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I ON OUR COUNTRY'S CRISIS 



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AMOS KENDALL 



'OUP. FEDERAL UNION: IT MUST BB PBESEEVID .■'-, 



Andrew Jacksoa, 



WASHmOTON, D. C. : 

PEI^TIC AT in. omCE 0. ..THE OONSTITOTIONAL UNION/ 

1864. 



INTBODUCTORY. 



f " Kendall Green, Jan. 16th, 1864. 
Hon. Thomas B. Florence: 

Dear Sir : Herewith, I send you for inser- 
tion in "The Constitutional Union" a com- 
munication signed Andrew Jackson, a name 
now more than ever dear to every friend of 
liberty and union. 

I adhere to tho sentiment of the old hero's 
celebrated toast — " The Federal Union, it must 
be preserved' ' — and I subscribe with all my 
heart to the kindred sentiment uttered by 
G-ineral McClellan in the following words, viz : 

"Our cause must never be abando^ied — it 
is the cause of free institutions and self-gov- 
ernment. The Constitution and Union must 
be preserved whatever may be the cost in 
time, treasure and blood. If secession is suc- 
cessful, other dissolutions are clearly to be 
seen in the future. Let neither military dis- 
aster, political faction, nor foreign war shake 
your settled purpose to enforce the equal 
operation of the laws of the United States 
upon the peoi)le of every iState." 



I deplore the fact, that the^ Administration, 
by its policy and its agts, has immeasurably 
lessened its own power to suppress the rebel- 
lion, and by its threatened attacks on the 
fundamental principles of our institutions, 
has made it the duty of every conservative 
man to raise his voice against it. Let this 
opposition, however, be based on exalted 
principle, free from faction and demagoguism, 
conceding to those in power all the legitimate 
means they demand for carrying on the war. 

This I intend shall be the character of my 
own opposition, and difficult as it is under ex- 
treme provocation, I would fain hope that the 
same spirit may pervade all those who strive 
for union and peace through a change of 
rulers, not a peace procured by concession to 
rebels, but a peace flowing from their un- 
qualified submission to the Constitution and 
laws. 

Yours truly, 

Ahos Kendall. 



/ 



L. E T T E R S 



LETTER I. 
TO ALL LOTAL CITIZENS OP THB USITED STATES, 

By Loyal Citiaens, I mean " Unconditional 
Union men," all who would uphold the Union 
and the Constitution as established by Wash- 
ington and his compatriots, illustrated by 
Jefferson, and defended by Jackson. 

I do not mean those professed "uncondi- 
tional Union men," to whose unionism there 
ii a condition, and that condition is, an unques- 
tioning support of all the measures of the 
present Administration though they may be 
subversive of the Constitution and fatal to the 
white man's lil>erty. To such men I have 
nothing to say ; Imt I would, if my voice could 
reach every honest man in the country, warn 
him against the cry of " unconditional union- 
ism" coming from men who are daily under- 
mining the foundations of our constitution. 

No people on earth ever poured out their 
treasure and blood more freely to sustain their 
governmerit than have the loyal people of the 
United States. Although the results have 
not met their just expectations, they are pre- 
pared to continue those sacrifices for an inde- 
finite period rather than see our constitution 
overthrown, our glorious country cut up into 
hostile confederacies, and the hopes of our 
fathers overclouded forever. Oar system of 
government was no longer an experiment. — 
For three score years and ten, our country 
had, under its benign sway, increased in po- 
pulation, wealth and power without a parallel { States, or are we to have another edition 



Confederate Republics to iive at peace witfl 
each other, while their citizens enjoy self- 
government and all practicable freedom. 

But in view of recent events and passing 
scenes, it becomes the duty of every "uncon- 
ditional Union man" to demand of the Admin- 
istration what sort of an Union they design 
for us at the close of the pending war ? Is it 
to be an Union in which individual liberty is 
to be enjoyed under the guaranty of constitu- 
tions and laws, or an Union in which it shall 
be held at the will of the President and the 
caprice of military ofncers and provost mar- 
shals f Is it to be an Union in which the 
rulers shall derive their powers from the peo- 
ple, or one in v.hich the people shall derive 
their powers from the rulers ? Is it to be an 
Union in which the qualifications for suffrage 
ihall be prescribed by the President, and all 
citizens of the States, loyal and disloyal, ex- 
cluded from the polls by military force, who 
will not consent to take illegal and degrading 
oaths ? Is it to be an Union made up in largo 
part of bastard States, deriving their govern- 
ments, not from the will of the people, but 
from a small fraction of their voters qualified 
to act by the President of the United States, 
and sustained in their action by armies under 
his command ? In short, are we to have th* 
old Union of the United States constructed 
by Washington and his compatriots, based ou 
the suffrages of the people as regulated by the 



since God called the earth out of chaos. The 
experience of the past should be our guide for 
the future. We cannot hope far a more per- 
fect system of government than that bequeath- 
ed to us by our fathers of the revolution. To 
defend it, our people took up arms. To hand 
it down to posterity, they are still willing to 
be taxed, to suffer, and if need be, to die. 
They have a duty to perform, not only to 
themselves and their posterity, but to all man- 
kind. It is to vindicate institutions which 
reconcile liberty with dominion, and enable | by inverting the principles on which they are 



of 
the " Union of all the Russias" in which the 
rights of Provinces and persons shall be held 
at the mercy of a Caar called the President ? 

The truly *' unconditional Union men" 
have a difficult task to perform. On the one 
hand, it is their duty, by all legitimate means, 
to sustain the Administration in its efforts to 
suppress rebellion. On the other hand, it is 
equally their duty to set their faces like flint 
against all such measures as may be ealcu- 
lated to change the character of our institutions 



6 



fotinclecl. Each of these duties is as assential 
as the other to the perpetaation of the Union. 

The avowed object of the Administration in 
assuming extr^rdinary powers^ is the ex- 
tinction of slavery in the United States. 
Though that object is in itself illegitimate, no 
assumption of unconstitutional powers has 
ever been necessary for its accomplishment. 
Slavery received its death-blow when rebel 
cannon opened upon Fort Sumpter. "Whom 
God intends to destroy he first makes mad, " 
is an ancient maxim. What hut madness 
could have induced Southern statesmen, 
with such an institution among them, to re- 
pudiate the protection it derived from the 
Constitution and cast it upon ths waves of 
revolution? What but madness could'induce 
them to contemplate and proclaim to the 
world^ at this period of its history, that their 
object was to establish an emph-e whose cor- 
ner stone shoHld be slavery ? What but 
madness could induce them to persist in the 
rebellion after losing all hope of effective as- 
sistance from Europe or the North? And 
what is it now which impels them to force 
every able-bodied white man into their armies 
and threaten a never-ending guerrilla war ? 
What is it, but a God-inspired madness de- 
signed to obliterate the last vestige of their 
cherished institution ! After being guilty 
of the wickedness and folly of rebellion, they 
might, when they saw all hope of succor de- 
parting from them, have averted the catas- 
trophe by laying down their arms. They 
might save its remnants even now, by a full 
and frank submission to the Constitution 
and laws. They will not do it. They are 
mad. God keeps them mad that slavery may 
perish. 

And as far as they are concerned, it is but 
a providential retribution that the rehd master 
is now being confronted in arms by the rebel 
slave. It is just what, but for their madness, 
they would have foreseen. 

The great question now is, not the perpet- 
uation of the black man's bondage, but the 
preservation of the white raari's Ubertjj. Let slave- 
ry perish; but let the God-inspired principles 
of our Constitution live forever. They are the 
only guarantee we have or can have for "Lib- 
erty and Union, now and forever, one and in- 
separable." 

But the progress of the Union armies, co- 
operating with the madness of slavehold- 
ers, aided by sweeping confiscation acts, is too 
Blow a process of emancipation for our pseudo 



friends of liberty. They would rush to that, 
and over individual rights, State rights, and 
the Constitution of the United States, pun- 
ishing the innocent with the guilty and ex- 
posing the North as well as the South to uni- 
versal anarchy. Like the blind Sampson, 
they would pull dov/n the pillars of the temple 
which protects them, burying negro slavery 
and themselves in a common ruin. 

Before entering upon a discussion of the 

short-comings of the Administration, I deem 

it proper, in another letter, to give my views 

in relation to the suppression of the rebellion. 

Andrew Jackson. 

January 16th, 1864. 



LETTER 11. 
CONSIDERATIOKS WHY EVEKY PATRIOT SHOULD 
SUSTAIN THE ADMINISTRATION IN THEIB AT- 
TEMPTS TO SUPFBESS THE KEBELLION. 

To all Unconditional Union men in the United 

States : 

The following considerations are conclusive 
in the mind of the writer, that it is the im- 
perative duty of every true patriot to sustain 
the Administration in their eiforts to suppress 
the existing rebellion : 

1. Our country is at war, and the Admin- 
istration are the only constitutional organs 
by whom it can be carried on. 

2. The object of the war on the part of the 
rebels is to break up the Government and de- 
stroy the Union, now and forever, by the es- 
tablishment of a Southern Confederacy. 
What would soon be the fate of the North if 
the Admiaistration be not sustained with men 
and money, may be conceived by imagining 
where the rebel armies of Lee and Bragg 
would now be had they been victorious at 
Antietam or Gettysburg, Murfreesboro', and 
Chattanooga. Not to support the Adminis- 
tration with adequate means, is to give up 
our Capital, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New 
York, Louisville, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, and 
the lake cities to rebel occupancy, aad the in- 
termediate country to ravage and plunder by 
swarms of men more hungry than the locusts 
of the African desert. 

3. But it is alleged that the imjbecility, bad 
policy, military jealousy, and political ambi- 
tion of the Administration and its adherents, 
have already sacrificed unnecessarily tens of 
thousands of Northern lives and hundreds of 
millions of Northern money. What then? 



shall we tlieroiore submit to the rebels and 
give up forever ths hope of handing down to 
our children the glorious legacy bequeathed 
to us by our fathers ? Let us rather consider 
the imbecility, jealousy, and ambition of civil 
aad military rulers in the same light as other 
obstacles to success, aM to be overcome by 
wcrilices and perseverance. ♦ 

4. But ix, is said the Administration has 
made and will make an uuconstiiutional use 
of the means put at their disposition. That 
is a riskvve must always encoantyr under any 



had rather die than go down to posterity as 
unsuccessful traitors. They have sot their 
hearts upon the establishment of a new em- 
pire, and will not give up the hope of gilding 
their crimes with the tinsel of victory so long 
as they can " set a squadron in the feld." 
Every suggestion of compromise and peace on 
any other terms t|ian the acknowledgment of 
their independence, has been, and will be 
treated with scorn and derision. There is no 
alternative for this Government, by whomso- 
ever administered, but to deprive these men 



administration. But the possibility that they j of power by defeating and dispei-bing the rebel 
will not do their duty, is no excuse for not armies. Let that be done and the great mass 
doing our own. Give all the requisite means I of the Southern people, will if permitted, gkd- 
and hold the Administration to a strict re- i ly return to their allegiance, 
spoxisibility for their proper application. But were it otherwise, whence comes the 
Herein is the ground of & legitimate opposi- cowardly or, treacherous cry that the rebels 
tiou, and it is already bro&d enough in all ; cannot be conquered t When the war corn- 
conscience, menced, the men of the military age in the 
5. If there were no principle which requires ; loyal Statet;, were as four to one compared 
the patriot to furnish tke Administration all i with t)ie white men of similar age in the seced- 
the means they want for carryiug on the war, ed Slates. Now, the proportions, throwing 



partizau policy would dictate the same course. 
It furnished w;ith abundant meauis as hereto- 
fore, the responsibility for failui*es will rest 
exclusively with themselves ; but if they are 
restricted in means, they will caot the respon- 
sibility on those who may have denied them. 
(i. But there are those who would refuse to 
furnish the Administration with the means of 



into the loyal scale the whites and Macks capa- 
ble of bearing^ arms in those portions of the 
seceded States occupied by the Union armies, 
are as hve to one. The loss of one man to the 
labels is equal to the loss of five to the loyal- 
ists ; every drawn battle is virtually an Union 
victory ; and every able-bodied rebel prisoner 
detained in custody, is equal to five soldiers 



carrying on the war, because they think the | added to the Union armies. There are already 



Union cannot be restored by forcfl, and would 
compel the Government to resort to an 
armistice and negotiation. Many of these men 
are perfectly sincere ; but they labor under a 
strange delusion. They seem to forget the 
origin, progress and object of the conspiracy 



about 40,000 rebel prisoners in the North, and 
should not exchanges be resumed, there is 
ground to hope the day is not distant when 
half of the rebel army will be found in North- 
ern prisons. 

If, with this disparity of fighting men, the 



which in 1861, culminated in the great rebel- ! command of the sea and an equal disparity in 



lion. That conspiracy was the growth of 
tbirtyyears* Assiduously, duriiig that period, 
have the leading conspirators inculcated iheir 
revolutionary dogmas on the Southern mind, 
and, by bandying insults with the Abolition- 
ists of the North, sought to produce implac- 
able hatred between the two sections. They 
forced themselves by threats of opposition into 
ibc Cabinet of a weak President, and used 
their positions to disarm the Government and 
lay the country prostrate before meditated 
insurrection. Their avowed object, from first 
to last, has not been a redress of grievances 
or further guarantees for their rights, but 
absolute and entire independence. They are 
proud and haughty men who have hazarded 



all the means and appliances of war, the North 
cannot, if need be, subjugate the people 
of the rebel States, we may as well admit 
their insolect claim to superiority and bow our 
necks to southern domiaatiofe. 

It has seemed to me amazing, that any 
northern man, and especially any Democrat, 
can entertain the least sympathy for the per- 
jured leaders ot this inexcusable and bloody 
rebellion. They are rebels not only to their 
country and to mankind, but doubly rebels to 
the Democratic Party which they betrayed and 
abandoned. Sympathy with them by any 
loyal man, is a crime ; but by a Democrat 
it is not only a crime, but a degradation. 
With what utter contempt must he be looked 



ftratj thing upon the chances of success, and I upon by those proud men 1 But lot us not. 



8 



confoand with the arch conspirators the mass 
Df the sonthern people who have beensednced 
cr driven iuto rebellion. While we sustain 
our government in defeating and dispersing 
the rebel armies, let us be prepared then to 
demaild that the popular masses shall be 
allowed to resume unconditionally, their form- 
er position under the Consfltution and laws 
of their country. 

This leads me to consider the President's i 
plan of restoration which will form the eub- 
ject of another letter 



Akdeew Jackson. 



January 21st, 18(i4. 



LETTER III. 
WHY OPPOSITION TO THE ADMINISTRATION IS A 

DOTY THE PBE-IDENT'S PLAN THE LOYAL 

NEGROES EKTtKELYOVEKLOOKEI>— LOYAL TTEITE 
MEN TREATED AS REBELS. 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

States : . 

" Why," asks the unquestioning supporter 
of the administration, " if you are in favor of 
the suppression of the rebellion, do you en- 
deavor to lessen the public confidence in those 
who have the rightful direction of public af- 
fairs ?" I answer, it is because they are not 
content with putting pown the rebellion, bat, 
locking beyond that object, commit acts and 
avow designs v/hich strike at the foundations 
of our federal republio. It is one thing to em- 
ploy our armies in putting down the rebellion ; 
but it is a far difiorent thing • to employ them 
in controlling the elections in the loyal States. 
It is one thing to conq aer and disarm the hosts 
arrayed against the Government in the sece- 
ded States ; but it is a far diflerent thing to 
impose on the loyal as well a.? tha repentant 
citizens of those States anli-republicaa gov- 
ernments supported by the federal crms. If 
the Administration would use their military 
power for the sole and only legitimate purpose 
of clearing the States of armed rebels, and 
leave the liberated people, in their own good 
time, to restore their old governments or es- 
tablish new ones, no voice of censure would 
be raised by the writer of these articles. 
When the Administration, under cover of the 
war power, undertake to suppress i'ree suf- 
frage in loyal atates by illegal oaths 'and armed 
bands, or to overthrow the State governments 
and build up new civil institutions in the se- 
ocded States, they far transcend the legiti- 



mate limits of that power and establish pre- 
cedents which, " unquestioned,^^ might enablo 
some future Cajsar to convert our Federal 
Republic into another Roman Empire. It is, 
therefore, as much the duty of every patriot 
to raise his voice against these assumptions 
of power as it is to support the Administration 
in suppressing the rebellion. 

Let ns now make a critical examination of 
the principles involved in the President' s pro- 
clamation of amnesty, and his plan for organ- 
izing new State governments in the seceded 
States. 

The proclamation grants a pardon, with cer- 
tain exceptions, to all persons ia rebellion, 
remitting all forfeitures of property except 
slaves, on condition that they shall take and 
keep the followiijg oath, viz : 

" I, , do solemnly swear, in pres- 
ence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth 
faithfully support, protect, and defend the 
Constitution of the United States, and the 
Union of the States thereunder ; and that I 
will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully 
support all acts of CoBgress passed during the 
existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so 
long and sd Jar as not repealed, modified, or 
held void by Congress, or by decision of the 
Supreme Court ; and that I will, in like man- 
ner, abide by and faithfully support all pro- 
clamations of the President made daring the 
! existing rebellion having reference to slaves, 
1 so long and so far as not modified or declared 
j void by decision of the Supreme Court. So 
help me God." 

' After enuraerating the classes of persons 
; not entitled to the benefit of the amnesty, the 
' proclamation provides as follows, viz : 
I " And I do further proclaim, declare and 
I make knovra, that whenever, in any of the 
I States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Missia- 
I sippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, 
; South Carolina and North Carolina, a number 
i of persons, not less than one-tenth in number 
' of the votes cast in such State at the Presi- 
! dential election of the year of our Lord IStiO, 
j each having takea the oath aforesaid, and not 
I having since viol;vted it, and being aqnilificd 
voter by the election law of the State existing 
j immediately before the so-called af;t of seces- 
I sion, and excluding all others, shall re-e3tat>- 
1 lish a State Government which shall be repub- 
lican, and in no wise contravening said oath, 
I such shall be recognized as the true govern- 
' ment of the State, and the State shall receive 
j thereunder the beneiits of the constitutional 
provision which declares that " the United 
States shall guaranty to every State in this 
Union a republican form of government, and 
shall protect each of them against invasion ; 
and, on application of the Legislature, or the 
Executive, Cwheu the Legislature cantiot be 
convened^} against domestic violence." 
One of the first things .that must strike 



8very careful reader of this project, is its in- 
jonsistency with the ruling principles of the 
hour ! The ei-er loyal negro is to have no voice 
in the establishm'^nt of the new State govern- 
ments t How often have we been told that 
the negroes in certain States, were the only 
loyal men therein ; yet, by this plan, they are 
to be left under the absolute govern- 
ment of their repentant or perjured rebel 
masters. It is not one-tenth of the freemen 
o€ the States who are authorized to form a 
new state government, but one-tenth of those 
qualified to vote by the election law of that 
State "existing immediately before the so- 
called act of secession." As the negroes were 
not entitled to vote under those la^s, they 
are 'not now to be allowed a voice in the 
establishment of the governments under which 
they are to live hereafter. It is not enough 
that one-tenth of the tcJiite men, ("though a per- 
jured traitor every one of them may be,) shall 
govern nine-tenths of the v.'hite men, but 
they are also to govern the whole body of the 
black men however numerous and loyal they 
may be I This is the less excusable in the 
administration, because it vrasjust as easy and 
just as constitutional for the President to quality 
black men as white to vote iu the construc- 
tion and management of new State govern- 
ments. "We commend this feature of the 
President's plan to the Garrisons, and Phil- 
lipses, the Beechers and Cheevers, the Sum- 
ners and Wilsons. Surely, you will insist that 
ih^cfreedman shall be treated as a freeman. Or 
sj-c you content, now that you have rescued 
the slave from his one master, that he shall 
become the slave of many masters ? And 
ai':er all, is the only boon you design for the j 
poor negro the privilege of figliting the white 
man's battles? Why not carry out your prin- ! 
ciples and let us have black voters, and black ; 
legislators, black governors and black judges, { 
black Congressmen and black Presidents ? I 
Another striking feature of this notable [ 
scheme is, that it places the loyal white man \ 
on a level with the rebel, imposing on him ; 
•(the same conditions. No matter how much 
he has suffered for his loyaUy. No matter if 
he has fought and bled in the cause 
of the Union, he is obliged to purge I 
himself by an oath before he can have a voice 
in the reconstruction of his State government. I 
He is not only required, in common with his | 
rebel neighbor, to swear to an allegiance 
•which he has never violated, but also, if he i 
bo the owner of a slave, swear that he will j 



consider him free without compensation. He 
must Gwear that he "will faithfully support 
the proclamations of the President made 
during the existing rebellion having refer- 
ence to slaves" — the proviso, "so long and 
so far as not modified or declared void by 
decision of the Supreme Court," being bat 
mockery added to robbery and insult. 

That this is the treatment designed for the 
loyal men of the seceded States, will be made 
apparent by reverting to the qualifications re- 
quired by the President of the one-tenth au- 
thorized to establish State governments. — 
'^ Each having^ taken the oath aforesaid,'' s&ja 
the President, "and excluding all others.*' 
No others, however loyal, are to be permitted 
to have a voice in establishing a new State 
government. 

This is the reward of the devoted East Ten- 
nesseeans, who, leaving all behind th«m, fled 
to the caves of the mountains rather than 
fight against their country, and are now by 
thousands in the Union armies. It is the re- 
ward of old gray-headed patriots, for years 
languishing half starved and in rags in the 
prisons at Richmond, for no other crime than 
refusing to swear allegiance to the rebel con- 
federacy. All these and other thousands upon 
thousands of loyal men within the seceded 
States, are required to place themselves on a 
level with their rebel neighbors under i^ain cl 
disfranchisement. Though they have com- 
mitted no crime, they are not to bo recognized 
as voters unless they will submit to the con- 
ditions of an amnesty. Th-^y must virtually- 
acknowledge themselves traitors to be re- 
cognized as loyal 1 This is the culmination 
of a series of measures eminently calculated, 
though we charitaby hope not designed, to 
crush out every spark of genuine loyalty in 
the seceded and boinier States, and govern 
them indefinitely by subservient minorities 
sustained by the Federal s.Ymiss— virtually bif 
the bayonet. 

Of what sort of men are these minorities in 
the seceded States likely to be composed? 
Not so mtich of the truly loyal ("who may re- 
fuse to take the degrading oath) as ef the 
disciples of the Slidells and the Wigfalls, the 
Floyds and the Masons, who regard heaven 
and hell as a fable, and paths as play-thingg. 
Think you tlic followers of those men in the 
Cabinet and in Congress, who in the winter 
of 18G0-(Jl, though sworn to support the Con- 
stitution of the United States were laboring 
day and night to destroy it, will hesitate to 



.0 



take or break any oath to gratify their pas- 
sions or subserve their interests ? No, no ; 
the most unprincipled of the rebels, attractad 
by the allarements of power and the hope of 
gain, will be foremost in accepting the Presi- 
dent's pardon and foremost in establishing 
and controlling the new State governments. 

But I cannot suCiciently develope my views 
of this monstrous scheme in one letter, and 
perhaps not in two. 

AXDBEW JaCKSOS. 

January 25th, 1SG4, 

P. S. — A correspondent inquires of me 
whether I will support for the Presidency any 
jother man than Gen. McQJeilan, should 
another be nominated by the Democratic 
National Convention. I answer that I will 
support any competent man of unquestionable 
loyalty who can best unite the conservatives 
of the country against the disorganizers who 
now caotrol the government. I am not ac- 
quainted with Gen. MoClellan; but I admire 
him for his talents, his virtues, and his loy- 
alty. I sympathise with him in the wicked 
persecutions he has patiently endured ; and I 
think the wrongs which the country has 
suffered through him, can be most appro- 
priately redressed by placing him at the head 
of its government. 



LETTER IV. 
LODISIANA — bakes' PEeCLAMATION THE ACT OF 
THE PKESIDEXT — HE ASSUMES THE SOVEREIGN 
POWEK OF TDH STATE, OVEETHKOWS ITS GOV- 
EBNMEST ASD ESTABLISHES ANOTHER— THE 
■WAR POWER EXHAUSTED WH3N KESELLION IS 
SUPPRESSED — ITS FUNCTION 13 TO RESCUE THE 
STATE MACnillEUY FROM THE GRASP OF TRAI- 
TORS AND LEAVE THE PEOPLE TO PUT IT IN 
OPERATION — GOVERNMENTS FORMED ON THE 
president's PLAN W12L BE SUBSERVIENT TO 
HIS WILL. 

To all Unconditional Union men in the United 

States. 

We now have in detail an outline of the 
process to be followed in organizing new State 
governments upon the plan prescribed by the 
President. A third and perhaps half of the 
State of Louisianfi is in possession of the 
Union forces commanded by General Banks. 
Byordcroftl^ President, thatGe^eral, instead 
of employing himself and tke troops under 
his command in clearing the balance of the 
State of p.rraed rebels, their legitimate duty. 
Is busying himself in getting up new civil in- 



stitutions. He Jias issued a proclamation of 
which the following extract contains the es- 
sential parts, viz : 

Headqu'rs Department of the Gulf, 7 
New Orleans, January 11, 1864. j 
To T3E ^People of Louisiana: 

I. In pursuance of authority vested in me by the 
President of the United States, and upon consulta- 
tion with many representative men of diJTerent in- 
terests, being fully assured that more than a tenth 
of the population desire the earliest po.-sL'ok' resto- 
ration of LoHisiaua to the Union, I invite tlic loyal 
citizens of the State qualified to voie in public af- 
fairs, as hereinafter prescribed, to assemble in the 
election prcciKcts designated by law, or at such 
place? as may hereafter be established, on the 22d 
day of February, 1864, to cast their votes for the 
election of State officers herein named, viz : 1. 
(juvernor: 2. Lieutenant Governor; .3. Secretary 
of State; 4. Treasurer; 5. Attorney General; 6. 
Superintendent of Public Instruction; 7. Auditor 
of Public Accounts; who shall when elected, for 
the time being, and until others are appointed by 
competent authority, constitute the civii govern- 
ment of the State, under the Constitulion and laws 
of Louisiana, except so mucTi of the said Consfitu- 
tion and laws as recognize, regulafe, or relate to 
slavery, which being inconsistent with the present 
condition of public affairs, and plainly inapplicable 
tw any class of persons now existing within its lim- 
its, must be suspended, and they are hereby de- 
clared to be inoperative and void. This proceed- 
ing is not intended to ignore the right uf property 
existing prior to the rebellion, nor to preclude tho 
claim for compensation of loyal citizens for losses 

«ustaiaed by enlistments or other authorized acts of 
the Government. 

II. Tho oath of allegiance prescribed by the 
President's proclamation, with tho condition aiS.^ed 
to the elective franchise by the Constitution of 
Louisiana, will constitute the qualification of voters 
in this eleetioH. Officers elected by them will bo 
dulv installed in their offices on the 4th day of 
March, 1864. 

III. The registration of voters, effected under 
the direction of the Military Governor and the sev- 
eral Union Associations, not inconsistent with the 
proclamation or other orders of the President, are 
confirmed and approved. 

IV. In order that the organic law of the State 
may be made to conform to tho will of the people, 
and harmonize with tho spirit of tho age, as well 
as to maintain and preserve the ancient landmarks 
of civil and religious liberty, an election of dele- 
gates to a Convention for the revision of the Con- 
stitution will be held on tho first Monday of. April, 
1864. The basis of representation, the number of 
delegates, and the details of election will be an- 
nounced in subseqcnt orders. 

V. Arrangements will be made for the early 
election of members of Congress for tho State. 

The General says, he issues this Proclama- 
tion "in pursuance of authority vested in me by 
the President of the United States." His acts, 
therefore, are to be considered the acts of the 
President. And what is it that the Preaident 
does or proposes to do ? 

He prescribes a qualification for voters with- 
out which no citizen shall be allowed to vote 
however qualified under the Constitution and 
law% of the Stato. All arc to be disfranchized^ 



11 



whether loyal or disloyal, wlio will not take 
the prescribed oath. 

He calls upon his voters thus qualified to 
hold a State election, and tells them what ofB- 
cers to elect without the least regard in those 
respects to the State constiLUtion. 

He designates the time and places for hold- 
ing the election. 

He declares that the persons then and there 
elected shall be, for the time being, ' ' the civil 
government of the State.'^ , 

To make sure that none without the Presi- 
dential qualification shall vote, he commits 
the registration of the voters to the * ' Military 
Governor and the several Union Associa- 
tions." 

He announces to his voters, that "arrange- 
ments will be made, ("by his order of coursej 
for an early election of members of Congress 
for the State." 

Hg announces to them, that an election for 
delegates to a State Convention will be held on 
the first Mofcday of April next, for the purpose 
of so altering the State Constitution as to make 
it, as we are in mockery told, ^'conform to the 
will of the people. ' ' 

He tells them he will hereafter announce 
'.'the basis of representation, the number of 
delegates and the details of election." 

To cap the climax of these assumptions of 
power over State voters and State institutions, 
the President, through his Maj or General, de- 
clares certain portions of the Constitution and 
laws of Louisiana " inoperative and void.^' 

What, but the wantonness of power could 
dictate such a declaration as this, while treat- 
ing the entire Constitution of the State as a 
nullity, and proceeding to establish a new 
State Government ! It is tantamont to a claim 
of right in the President to nullify all the con- 
stitutions and all the laws of the seceded States, 
assuming sovereign pow^r into his own hands, 
and then doling it out to his faithful followers 
as European Monarchs grant privileges to 
their dutiful subjects. 

Now, I ask evei'y man, whether Republican, 
Democrat or Conservative, whether, in the pro- 
posed government of Louisiana, the sovereign 
power is to come tip from the people or come down 
from the President f I^ he or they who are in 
effect to create the new government ? 

The total vote of Louisiana in 1860, is stated 
to have been 50, 500, one-tenth of which is 
5,050. General Banks is satis^ed that more 
than one-tenth desire to accept the President's 
plan — say 6,000. Now, which are the people, 



the 6,000 or the 44,500? If the latter, how 
comes it that the 6,000 have power to impose 
a government upon them ? Do they not derive 
the power from the President ? If not, whence 
comes it ? 

It is the sworn duty of the President to 
protect the State Governments against foreign 
invasion and domestic insurrection. A State 
Government is the Constitution and lazes cf the 
State. There was nothing in the Constitution 
and. laws of Louisiana prior to the rebellion 
incompatible with the Constitution acd laws 
of the United States. The machinery of the 
two Governments was in perfect harmony. 
But insurgents seized the State mauhine and 
used it to destroy the Government of the 
United States. Now, what was the duty of 
this Government f Simply to rescue the State 
machinery from the hands, of traitors. What 
next ? Merely to hold it intact without al- 
tering a bolt or a screw until the vital princi- 
ple comes up from the people and puts it in 
motion again by agents elected by them under 
their own laws and sworn to support the Con- 
stitution of the United States. In this opera- 
tion the war power of the Presidfent — the 
power to suppress insurrection — is exhausted. 
But what is our President doing? Hs is 
smashing the State machine which he is hound to 
protect and constructing another out cfvcry rotten 
materials bolted together by Federal bayonets. 

Of the GisfiOO voters, more or less, who are 
destined to be the President's workmen in 
constructing the new machine, a very large 
proportion, perhaps one-half, will be fur- 
nished by the city of New Orleans. That 
city, it is well known, had, ever since the days 
of the Know Nothings until its re- capture by 
the Federal arms, been governed by clubs 
more unprincipled and quite as unscrupulous 
as the Jacobins of France. Some of their 
members have probably perished in the war, 
but many of them with their adherents doubt- 
less remain in the city. Ready to swear any 
thing and do anything for money and power ; 
they are becoming very "loyal" since they 
lost all hope of either under the banner of 
rebellion. Allured by the prospect of Fed- 
eral ofSces, State offices and city oliicss, now 
that they have failed to overthrow me Federal 
Government, they are prepared to aid in sub- 
verting their State Government. It is just 
this sort of men who are most likely to rush 
with shouts of loyalty to take the oath pre- 
scribed by the President, accept the proffered 
pardon for their treason against the Federal 



12 



Governri.ent, and claim at Lis hands the re- 
wards «f their treason to their State Govern- 
ment I Shall we look further into the fearful 
vista which these measures open to us ? The ! 
voters thus qualified by the President and ! 
registered by the "Union Associations" (which j 
seem to be the successors of the rebel clubs 
and are recognized as " a power in the State"_) ' 
will in general, if not to a man, be obedient ! 
to the Executive mandate. Every man whom ' 
they elect Governor or Legislator will be i 
subservient to the wishes of the President. I 
So will every Senator and Representative sent ' 
to Congress. Every Elector of President and 
Vice President chosen by the revolutionized 



rill of course be in favor of his re- 
election. And are these illegitimate organ- 
ization?, the creatures of Executive power, 
founded on the ruins of the legitimate State Gov- 
ernments and controlled by subservient mi- 
norities, to come in and vote dov/n in Congress 
and in the Electoral Colleges, the free and 
independent millions of the North and West ? 
Let us pause and attempt to realize the awful 
prospect before us. 

* Andbew Jackson. 

January 26th, 1804. 



LETTER V. 
TEE POWER TO REGULATE SaFFRAGE EXCLUSIVE- 
LY A STATE RIGHT — NO EUCH THING AS UNITED 
STATES VOTEKS— THE PRESIDENT ASSUMES THAT 

POWER THE CONDITIONS OP AN AMNESTY MUST 

BE LAWFUL — TH<E PRESIDENT'S PLAN INCONSIS- 
TENT WITH ITSELF AND WORSE THAN SUMXER's 
IT;3 EFFECT IN CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDEN- 
TIAL ELECTION. 

To all Unconditional'-Union Men in the United 

States : 

For the purpose of making more palpable 
the character of the President's plan of recon- 
struction, let us look a little into the structure 
of our Government. To prevent misconstruc- 
tion as to the meaning of the Constitution, the 
tenth amendment was adopted in the follow- 
ing words, viz : * 'The powers not delegated to 
the United States by the Constitution nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively, or to the people." 
Suffrage is the basis of all our free institu- 
tions. Through that right the people elect, 
directly or indirectly, all our rulers, State 
legislators, governors and judges, members 
of Congress, President and Vice-President, 
Federal Judges, and all the army of office- 
holders under the State and National Govern- 



ments. The power to regulate suffrage, to 
declare who may vote and who shall not, "is 
not delegated to the United States by the Con- 
stitution nor prohibited by it to the States." 
It is therefore "reserved to the States or the 
people." 

There is no such thing as United States vo- 
ters ; on the contrary, the whole fabric of the 
General Government is built upon State suf- 
frage. Article I, section 2, of the Constitu- 
tion, provides as follows, viz. : "The House 
of Representatives shall be composed of mem- 
bers chosen every second year by the people 
of the several States, and the electors (voters} 
of each State shall have the qualification re- 
quisite for electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State legislature." 

In other words, all the people of the seve- 
ral States who are qualified by their State 
constitutions and laws to vote for members of 
the most numerous branch of their State 
legislatures, and no others, have a right to vote 
for members of the House of Representatives. 
Senators of the United States are chosen by 
the State legislatures who derive their power 
from the same voters. The electors of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President also derive their ex- 
istence and power directly or indirectly from 
the same voters. 

Thus it is, that through Ike exercise of a 
power "reserved to the States or the people," 
voters qualified by the Constitution and laws 
of the several States/or/» the foundation of our 
entire system of gov eminent. He who looks into 
the Constitntion of the United States for any 
grant of power, express or implied, authoris- 
ing Congress or the Executive to prescribe 
qualifications for voters, whether voting for 
State officers, members of Congress or Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, will not find it. No 
such power was given or intended to be givs'n, 
and its assumption is a blow at the heart and 
life of constitutional liberty. 

Now let us consider the act of the President 
in connection with these principles and the 
state of things in Louisiana. The President 
recognizes that State as a State in the Union. 
Its constitution and laws, constituting its go- 
vernment and regulating the right of suffrage, 
remain intact, not hsrting been abolished or 
altered by the rebellion. They have been so 
far rescued from rebel grasp, that the people 
in a large portion of the State might exerciso 
that right unintimidated by armed rebels. 
But they are restrained ; not by the rebels, 
but by the army of the United States- 



13 



rfae President assumes that the govemmeni 
of Louisiana has been subrertedby the rebel- 
lion of some of her sons, and that, as a cense- 
quenoe of that rebellion, all her sons have lost 
their right of suffrage— an assumption with- 
out reason or law. He then proceeds to grant 
that right to such of them as will take an 
oath prescribed by him — we say grant, for 
however obscured by cunning phraseology, it 
amounts to grant. The essence of the trans- 
action is more clearly expressed in the follow^ 
ing words, via: "Whereas, by reason of the 
the rebellion of a portion of the people of 
Lonisiana, all the citizens of said State have 
lost their right of suffrage ; now I, Abraham 
Lincoln, President of the United States, by 
virtue of ("what t) do hereby give, grant and 
convey to so many of said citizens as shall 
take the oath aforesaid, the right to vote 
for State officers, members of Congress, and 
electors of President and Vice-President ; to 
Lave and to hold said right so long as they 
shall keep said oath and no longer." Now, 
by what authority is this grant made ? But 
one pretext has been alleged for it. and that is 
scarcely worthy of notice. It is that the 
President has a right to grant an amnesty 
and to annex conditions to that amnesty. We 
concede the principle, with the reservation 
that the conditions must in themselves be lawful. 
We admit that when a citizen has forfeited 
ijfe and property by rebellion, the President 
may spare his life by amnesty and leave his 
property to confiscation. But he cannot ac- 
complish any unlawful purpose through the con- 
ditions of an amnesty. Ho cannot overthrow 
State institutions through the conditions of an 
amnesty to traitors against the United States. 
He cannot, by such conditions, overthrow the 
legitimate State governments. He cannot 
exact an oath of treason to the State, as a con- 
dition of pardon for treason against the United 
States. He cannot rightfully grant, modify, 
or restrict the right of suffrage within a State 
recognized to be in the Union ; for that entire 
"power is reserved to the States or the peo- 
ple." But in this plan we have the overthrow 
of State institutions, the subversion of the 
legitimate State government, the assumption 
by the President of the power to grant and 
regulate sviffrage — all to be effected through 
the conditions of an amnesty : conditions, 
.00, affecting alike the innocent and the 
guilty, the loyal and the disloyal. Who ever 
before heard of an amnesty, with or without 
conditions, to those who had committed no 



ctijT.c? These assumptions of power would 
be less obnoxious upon the Sumner theo- 
ry, unsound as it is, that the seceded 
States have ceased to be States of the 
Union and should be treated as territories in 
which no local governments exist. If such 
were the law and the fact, the assumption of 
power might not be so glaring. But by recog- 
nising Louisiana as a State in the Union, th« 
President virtually admits that her people 
have the same rights as the people of Massa- 
chusetts and New York and yet he treats them 
as if they had no right and no government. 
A State IN THE Union without a government whost 
people have no right to establish one without leave 
from the President. While treating the seceded 
States as conquered territory whose people 
have lost all political rights as effectually as 
in the Sumner theory, this plan has one dis- 
tinctive feature, which, were not the men in 
power, so perfectly unselfish and unambitious, 
it might be imagined, commended it to their 
adoption. It is to bring into the Senate and 
House of Representatives a host of members 
to vote with the radicals of Massachusetts. 1% 
is to bring into the electoral college a host of 
electors to aid in the re-election of Mr. Lincoln. 
There are still some features in this plan 
requiring further -development. 

Andbew Jackson. 
January 30th, 1*864. 



LETTER VI. 
SINGULAR FEATURES OF THB OATH — INCOJrai?- 
TENT WITH ITSELF — ITS PROSPECTIVE CHAKAO- 
TER — EEPEREKCK TO SCPKEME COURT A MOCK- 
ERY SLAVERY TO BS DECLARED ABOLISHED BT 

NEW STATE GOVERNMENTS — LOYAL MEN CHEAT- 
ED BY USURPING CONVENTIONS THB PRESI- 
DENT'S FREED MEN WITH THEIR " FREE PA- 
PERS" — SCHEME UNNECESSARY — THE PRESI- 
DENT REFUSES TO LET STATE GOVERNMENT BB 
PUT IN OPERATION, BUT MUST HAVE ONB OF 
EXECUTIVE TOOLS. 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

States : 

The oath which the President prescribes as 
a test of loyalty and a quulification for suf- 
frage in his plan of reconstruction, has a fea- 
ture about it which is probably without a 
precedent in the history of government. The 
first clause is an ordinary oath of allegiance. 
It then proceeds as follows, viz. r 

"And that I will, in like manner, abide by 
and faithfully support all acts of Congress 
passed during the existing rebellion with 
reference to slaves, so long and so far as not 



14 



repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, 
or bv decision of the Supreme Court ; and 
that I will, in like manner, abide by and faith- 
fully support all proclamations of the Presi- 
dent made during the existing rebellion hav- 
ing referenc<rto slaves, so long and so far as 
not modified or declared void by decision of 
'the Supreme Court. So help me God." 

Whence the necessity for these clauses of 
the oath for the restoration of the Union ? If 
the acts of Congress and the proclamations of 
the President be constitutional and lawful, 
the citizen binds himself to obey them by his 
oath of allegiance. Acts of Congress may be 
so palpably unconstitutional that no citizen 
will be bound to obey them for a moment ; 
and as for the President's emancipation pro- 
clamations, few men believe that they have 
the shadow of cosstitutionality or legality in 
them. They purport to strip of a portion of 
their property every citizen in certain States, 
loyal and disloyal, the one without any crime 
committed, and the other without conviction 
of crime, and this oath binds him to consider 
the robbary lawful ; and if he will not be un- 
true to his own rights and false to his own 
conscience, he is not to be allowed to vote in 
the establishment and management of his own 
government! In the first clause of the oath 
he is required to swear that he " will 
henceforth faithfully, support, 'protect, and de- 
fend the Constitution of the, United States." 
In the latter clauses, he is called upon to swear 
that he "will abide by and faithfully sup- 
port" all acts of Congress and proclamations 
of the PifSident touching slavery, which have 
been or may be passed or issued during the 
rebellion, however unjust or unconstitutional. 
How can he support a statute or proclamation 
palpahhj miconstitutional, and, at the same 
time, faithfully " support, protect, and defend 
the Constitution." Congress pass an act prac- 
tically to repeal a provision in the Constitu- 
tion: which is he bound to support? The 
President issues a proclamation purporting to 
take from loyal men Cto say nothing of the 
disloyalj without law and without the tyrant's 
plea of necessity, a portion of their property 
in direct viola on of the Constitution, and 
the citizen must swear that he will support 
both the right and the wrong, both the Constitu- 
tion and the proclamation or be disfranchised. 
Nor is this oath confined to the past. The 
President is not content that men shall swear 
to support the acts of Congress already pas- 
Bed, and proclamations heretofore issued ; 
but they must swear to support all that may 



be passed or issued " during the existing rebel- 
lion.''^ What honest man can do this who htiS 
not faith in the President and Congress strong- 
er than that required to remove mountains ? 
But, says the supporter of the President, it 
is only until the acts of Congress and the 
proclamations of the President are modified 
by the proper authority, or decided to be void 
by the Supreme Court, that the citizen is to 
be bound to support them. These provisions 
are a piece of mockery, holding out a prospect 
of Redress impracticable in itself and never 
intended to be realized. Who is to raise 
the question in the courts f Not those who 
have taken the oath. They are precluded 
by the oath itself. To attempt to nullify an 
act of Congress or a proclamation in any 
way, is not giving it a faithful support. 
But if they or any one else could raise 
the question in the courts, it is deter- 
mined that they shall be metby another ques- 
tion before they can get a decision from the 
Supreme Court. By General Banks' procla- 
mation, the President's voters in Louisiana 
were called upon. to elect delegates to a Con- 
vention on the first Monday of April next. It 
appears by the late news that the time of 
the election has been changed to the 22d 
of February. No decision of the Supreme 
Court can be procured before the meeting 
of the Convention, which will doubtlesc take 
place immediately after the election. The 
members, being all sworn to support the Pre- 
sident's proclamation, and being gotten up 
for one special purpose, will of course, in any 
constitution framed by them, declare the in- 
stitution of slavery abolished in the Siate of 
Louisiana. Hence, if any citizen, loyal or 
disloyal, whose property has been taken from 
him under cover of the President's proclama- 
tion, shall seek to recover it through the 
courts, he will be met with the claim that 
slavery has been abolished by Siate authority. To 
give him relief, the courts must decide not 
only that the President's proclamation, but the 
acts of these State Conventions in (hat regard, 
are null and void. In the meantime, all the 
slaves will have been taken from their masters 
and become practically free. Thus it is, that 
the loyal men of the South are mocked by the 
pretended chance of redress through the 
courts, cut ©f which they are to be cheated 
by usurping conventions held by the Presi- 
dent's instruments elected by Mi freed white 
men, each presenting his "free-papers." 
We learn through the National Intelligencet 



15 



that the Presideut's amnesty proclamation has 
been printed for circulation in large numbers 
with the following notice appended, viz : 

*' Tlie book wherein to record the taking of 
the above oaih by such persons as may apply 
is in the custody of , at , who is auth- 
orized to adrainistered the said oath to such 
persons of that vicinity, and is required to 
give every person requesting it a certificate 
in form below, until some other mode of proof 
shall be authoritatively provided, sufScient 
evidence of the facts certified to entitle the 
holder to the benefits as provided in said pro- 
clamation : 

" Certificate. — I do hereby certify that on 

day of 1S6 — , at , the oath presented by 

the President of the United States in his proclama- 
tion of December eighth, eigliteen hundred and 
sixty-three, was duly taken, subscribed, and made 
matter of record by ." 

So, it seems that persons are to be appoint- 
ed to grant free papers to voMte men on their 
taking the prescribed oaih, in the shape of 
a certificate and cause their emancipation to be 
recorded in a book ! How honored and proud 
must a loyal man feel on presenting proof of 
his pardon at the polls for a crime which he 
never committed and of the restoration of a 
right which he has never forfeited I Doubt- 
less he will be much obliged to the President 
for placing him in the position of an emanci- 
pated negro of the olden ticae who must carry 
the proof of his emancipation in his pocket 
and have it recorded in court. This is another 
specimen of the manner in which this Admin- 
istration encourages loyalty in the seceded 
States I 

This scheme of the President not only strikes 
at the foundation of cur National and State 
governments, bat is entirely unnecessary to 
the restoration of Louisiana to the Union. 
If the rebellion is so far put down that the 
people can vote peaceably under the authori- 
ty of the President, they could equally well 
vote under the authority of their own Con- 
stitution and laws. Indeed some months ago, 
the people, through delegates sent to Wash- 
ington asked leave to hold such an election ; 
but they were refused upon the allegation 
that it might interfere with military opera- 
tions and that some of the people of the State 
desired to change the State Constitution. It 
seemed a little mysterious how such a desire 
could be a,iiy objection to the restoration of 
the legitimate State government ; but the mys- 
tery is now solved. That government, being 
a governmenfof the people, might not be en- 
tirely subservient to the designs of the Ad- 
ministration. Instead of allowing it to be 



again put in operation, it must therefore be 
destroyed and gnother established on its ruins, 
constructed and managed by the tools of the 
Executive. 

In our next we shall for the present turn 
from this subject and consider the conduct of 
the Administration in certaip loyal States. 
Andrew Jackson. 

February 1st, 1864. 



, LETTER Vn. 

STATE ELECTIONS IN LOYAL STATES — UNITED STATES 
GENEBALS PKESCBIBE QUALIFICATIONS OP VO- 
TERS — TELL THE PEOPLE WUOM THEY SHALL 
NOT VOTE FOR, AND REQUIRE ILLEGAL OATHS UN- 
DER FALSE PRETENCES — C. A. WICKLIFFE — HIS 
LOYALITY — TWO PARTIES IN KENTUCKY — BOTH 
LOYAL — FIFTY THOUSAND FEDERAL TROOPS AR- 
RAYED AGAINST A POLITICAL PASTY — KENTUCKY 
UNDER MARTIAL LAW. 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

States : 

That the Administration should attempt to 
overthrow the legitimate governments in the 
seceded States and establish therein new gov- 
ernments controlled by subservient minorities 
sustained by federal bayonets, will surprise 
no one who observed their course in certain 
loyal States at the last elections. In a former 
letter, we showed that the right of suffrage 
was the vital principle of our free institutions ; 
that the regulation of that right is by the 
Constitution of the United States declared to 
be "reserved to the States or the people;" 
that there is no such thing as . United States 
voters ; that the legislative and executive offi- 
cers of the United States derive their existence 
as such, directly or indirectly, from voters 
qualified exclusively by State laws and consti- 
tutions. 

From these principles it follows that the 
authorities of the United States have nothing 
to do with the qualifications of the voters from 
whom they derive their offices, and have no 
warrant to interfere with the exercise of the 
fight of suffrage as regulated by the States. 
Yet, at the last elections in the loyal States 
of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland and Dela- 
ware, the military authorities of the United 
States, with the tacit sanction, if not by the 
positive order of .the President, not only un- 
dertook to prescribe new qualifications for vo- 
ters, bat to designate what candidates they 
might and should not vote for — and commit- 
ted other outrages, utterly destroying the 
freedom of elections, and placing in State 



16 



offlcei^ and in Congress men obnoxioua to a 
majority of the people. 

It is represented that there were in Kentucky 
at the time of the last August election, about 
fifty thousand Federal troops. The State was 
entirely free from armed rebels except for a 
few days in the southern part of the 'State, 
where a small force of raiders from Tennessee 
entered within its limits and suddenly re- 
treated. There was nothing to prevent a free 
expresssion of public opinion at the polls if 
the people were not to be interfered with by 
the Federal troops. There were two parties 
in the State, both, with individual exceptions, 
in favor of suppressing the rebellion, ,ind 
maintaining the Ujiion. One party was dis- 
posed to sustain the Administration with " iin- 
questioning" subserviency; the other desirous 
of confining them within the limits of the 
Constitution aad pursuing a conciliatory policy 
towards their fellow citizens in rebellion. The 
candidate of the latter party for Governor 
was the Hon. C. A. Wickliffe who was in 
Congress when the rebellioa broke out and 
sustained all the early measures for its sup- 
pression. He was opposed to the President's 
emancipation policy and the employment of 
black troops, and with Mr. Crittenden and 
others voted against an appropriation bill in- 
tended to provide for their payment. 

The platform on which he was brought 
oat as a candidate was substantially as fol- 
lows, viz: That the Constitution and laws 
of the United States are adequate to the^es- 
isting emergency and that the constitutional 
guarantees of liberty and property cannot be 
suspended by war. That the Federal Gov- 
ernment is one of limited powers which can- 
not be enlarged by the existence of civil 
commotion. That tho rights reserved to the 
States are equally sacred with those' granted 
to the United States. 

That the Administration has committed 
grave errors in confiscation bills, lawless pro- 
clamations and military orders setting aside 



outside of military lines where there was no 
public danger to excuse it. That it was the 
obvious purpose of the Administration to arm 
the negroes of tho South to make war upon 
the whites, and that it was thfe duty of Ken- 
tucky to protest against it. That free speech 
and a free press are inalienable rights. That 
the rebellion was utterly unjustifiable in its 
inception; that a dissolution of the Union 
would bo the greatest of calamities ; and that 



all just and constitutional means should be 
adopted to suppress the one ^nd restore the 
other. 

The strength of Mr. Wicklifie's loyalty was 
exhibited in a remark made to the writer of 
these articles in condolence for the loss of an 
only son in the winter of 1861-2 : "/ have a 
son," said he, *^who has joined the rebel army, 
and I would rather have followed him to his 
grave.''* A ticket on the same platform was 
gotten up for State officers and members of 
Congress in most if not all the counties of the 
State and its friends were sanguine of suc- 
cess. The administration and its "unques- 
tioning' ' supporters took the alarm and de- 
termised to prevent tho election of Mr. Wick- 
liffe and his friends by military force. In Ju- 
ly orders were issued by sundry military offi- 
cers in dilferent portions of the State, direct- 
ing that when it should bo necessary to im- 
press forage or other property for the use of 
the troops, it • should be taken from rebels or 
rebel sympathizers, and announcements were 
made that all who voted the Democratic ticket 
would be considered as of those classes. In 
some of the counties, the military officers, by 
general orders, directed the county courts not 
to appoint any persons as judges or clerks of 
the election except those whom they were 
pleased to call * ^unconditional Union men," 
In the same orders, the Judges and Clerks 
were directed not to place on the poll books as 
candidates any one who was not a Union 
m'an or was opposed to furnishing men and 
money for a vigorous prosecution of the war. 
They were also directed not to permit any 
man to vote unless known to the Judges as a 
Union man, without taking an oath annexed 
to the order. The following extract from an 
order issued at Hudson, Ky., on the 22d 
July, 1S63, is a condensed specimen of many 
others issued in various parts of the State, viz : 

' ' None but loyal citiaens will act as officers 
of the election. 

" No one will be allowed to offer himself aa 



Constitutions and laws and making arrests "^«^^<^^<l^'«/°y •^®«^°^„HT^ted for at said 

election, who is not, m all things, loyal to the 
State and Federal Governments, and in favor 



of a vigorous prosecution of the war for the 
suppression of the rebellion. 

' ' The j udges of the election will allow no one 
to vote at said election unless he is known to 
them to be an undoubtedly loyal citizen, or 
unless he shall first take the oath required by 
the laws of the State of Kentucky. No dis- 
loyal man will offtir himself as aicandidate or 
attempt to vote, except for treasonable pur- 
poses, and all such efforts will be summarily 
suppressed by the military authorities." 



17 



A statute of Kentucky, passed March 11th, 
1S62, had expatriated all citizens of that State 
who should thereafter Join the rebel army or 
having joined it, should contiuue therein over 
thirty days thereafter, as well as all those 
who should give them voluntary aid and as- 
sistance. And it was provided that when any 
person attempts to exercise the rights of a 
citizen, "he may he required to negative on oath 
the expatriation''^ provided for in the act.. 

Now, in the first place, this was a State 
law, with which the Federal authorities have 
nothing to do. In the second place, it was 
an amnesty, so far as the State was con- 
cerned, for all its citizens in rebellion, who 
should abandon the rebel service within 
thirty days — all such, of course, were 
entitled to the right of suffrage. In the 
third place, to require the oath or not was 
discretioEary with the State officers superin- 
tending the elections. Yet, the military offi- 
cers of the United States, under pretext of 
executing the State law, with which they had 
no rightful concern, undertook to prescribe 
oaths of various forms, all of which entlrf^ly 
ignored the amnesty feature of the act, im- 
posing conditions not prescribed in its pro- 
visions. Perhaps the most qpmprehensive 
of these oaths was that proscribed by General 
Asboth, in the following words, viz: *' I do 
solemnly swear that I have never entered the 
service of the so-called Confederate States ; 
that I have not been engaged in the service 
of the so-called Provisional Governmsnt of 
Kentucky, either in a civil or military capaci- 
ty : that I have never, either directly or in- 
directly, aided the rebellion against the Gov- 
enimti^t of the Uiiittjd States or the State of 
Kentucky ; that I am unconditionally for the 
Union and the suppression of the rbbelliou, 
a«id am willing to furnish men and money for 
the vigorous prosecution of the war against 
the rebellious league known as the ' Confed- 
erate States.' So help me God." This oath 
excludes all who had accepted the State am- 
nesty ; it excludes all who would Kot swear 
that they were " unconditionally for the 
Union and the suppression of the rebellion ;" 
it excludes all who would not swear that 
they were ''willing to famish men and money 
for the vigorous prosecution of the war." 

"We all know that "Unconditional Union- 
ism," in the language of this Administration 
and its adherents, means an "unquestioning" 
support of all its measures, taken under the 
plea of suppressing the rebellion*evcn to the 



destruction of the State Governments and the 

Constitution of the United States r and free- 
men are not to be allowed to think or fed that 
the Union, could be more surely preserved by 
a more pacific policy. Who is to decide when 
this war shall stop— the people or the army? 
If the Army, God save our liberties J 

We have. now some fifty thousand Federal 
soldiers in battle array, not against -the ene- 
mies of their country, but against an unarm- 
ed political party in Kentucky, most of whom 
were at least as loyal to the Union as them- 
selves. To complete the preparations for the 
onset, on the 31st of July out came a general 
order placing the whole State of Kentucky 
under martial law ! 

How the battle was fought and the victory 
won, I must record in another letter. 

Andrew Jackson. 

February 3, 1804. 



■ LETTER VIII.- 
I KENTUCKY ELECTION — MILITARY ONSKT CP0:i. THB 

POLLS POLL BOOKS SEIZED — NA3IE3 0? DEMO- 

CKATIC CANDIDATES ERASED — VOTERS AND CAN- 
PIDATiSS THREATENED AND AKKK&T£D — A VIC- 
TORY OVER THE WHITE MAn'S LIBERTY — A DIS- 
UNION VICTORY— MEMBERS OP CONGRESS AND 

STATS LEGtSLATURE ELECTED BY THE BAYONET 

NO ORDERS FROM WAR DEPARTMENT — A MYS- 
TERY TO BS INVESTIGATED, 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

Slates : 

In the closing paragraph of our last letter, 
we presented the extraordinary spectacle is, 
this country of about fifty thousand Federal 
troops iu battle array against an unarEipdi po- 
litical party in Kentucky. They were distri- 
buted to all the principal towns amj votin? 
places in the State. The attack was made 
simultaneously at many points. Tlic follow- 
in^ extract from a certificate of the judge of 
election at Bardstown, Kentucky, Mr. Wiok- 
liffo's place of residonce, shows the result at 
that place, viz: 

" We, the judges of the election held at tha 
courthouse iu Bardstown, Nelson ooanty, K>. 
I in Precinct No. 9, on this the 3d day of Au- 
gust, 1863, do certify that the names of C. A. 
Wkkliffrt, p. candidate for Governor of Ken- 
I tucky, Yi. B. Read, candidate for the office of 
I Lieutenant Governor of Kentucky, were erased 
from the poll-books by Lieut. Col. Butler 
commanding the Fifth Regiment, Indiana 
I Cavalry, U. S. Army, now with hoadquartera 
I at this place, who would permit no voter ta 
; vote for said persons for said offices. " 



18 



Against this outrage, Mr. Wickliffe filed tlie 
follov/ing protest, viz : 

C. A. Wickliffe protests against the act by 
which his name was stricken from the poll- 
books, and the people denied the privilege of 
voting for him as a candidate for the office of 
GoveriiOr. 

He states that he has ever been opposed to 
secession or a dissolutioa of the Union. 

He is in favor of a restoration of the Union 
8S it was under the present Constitution. 

He h:is opposed the abolition of slavery as 
a war measure and the arming of negroes as 
soldiers of the army of the United States, and 
voted figainst the appropriation bill at the last 
session after the House refused to adopt the 
proviso offered by Mr. Mallory, providing, in 
substance, that no part of the money should 
be expended in freeing negroes, in arming 
and paying negroes as soldiers of the 
army. Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Mallorj, Mr. 
.Menzies, Mr. Harding, Mr. Yeaman, and Mr. 
Grider. opposed the bill, and refused to vote 
for it for the same reasons. 

I deey that I am disloyal to the Govern- 
ment or to the Constitution. 

I request the judges to file this paper with 
the poll-books and returns. 

C. A. Wickliffe." 

The following condensed statements exhibit 
a portion of the military operations in various 
portions of the State, viz : 

McCf.acken Copnty. — In this county the 
election was held under strict military rule. 
Soldiers were stationed at each precinct. No 
one was allowed to vote without taking the 
oath prescribed by Gen. Asboth. The Dem- 
ocratic ticket was struck from the poll-books 
and not allowed to be voted for. 

Bullitt CoDNTY. — At Mount Washington the 
voting commenced about eight o'clock. At 
nine in the morning WicklifTo had received 
twenty- one votes and Bramlette three votes. 
A lifcuteaant of cavalry, with a squad of fifty 
men und<jr his command, then ordered the 
name of the Democratic candidates to be 
erased from the poll- books, and this was done. 

Hancock County. — At Hawcsviile a lieuten- 
ant in command of a. military force forbade the 
judges to place the names of the Democratic 
candidates on the poll-books, and they obeyed, 
refusing to receive any votes for these candi- 
dates. At Lewisport the same course was 
pursued. At Indian Creek no poll was open- 
ed for the Democratic ticket. At Lane pre- 
cinct twenty- two votes were allowed to be 
cast for Wickliffe. 

BALiiAED County. — At Precinct No. 1 there 
was no interference with voters and Wickliffe 
received all but two or three of the votes cast. 
At the remaining precincts the election was 
oonductv,'d by armed soldiers under the orders 
of Gen. Asboth, all the voters being required 
to taka the oath prescribed in his order. At 
Precinct Nos. 2 and 4 no election was held as 
the judges refused to hold it unless permitted 
to conduct It agreeably to the laws of the 
State. 



McLean County. — The Democratic ticket 
was erased from the poll-books at all but one 
or two pr. cincts. 
I Caldwell Cocnty. — Wickliffe's name was 
not allowed to go on the poll-books at any of 
the precincts, although many of the best citi- 
zens offered to take the oaths required if per- 
mitted to vote for him. 

Breckinridge County. — The Democratic 
ticket was stiicken from the poll books at seven 
out of twelve precincts. At several precincts 
the Democratic ticket waspermittedto be voted 
for until ten o'clock a. m., and at each of them 
at the time of suppression there were at least 
two votes for Wickliffe to one for Bramlette. 
Graves County. — The election was conduct- 
ed under the military orders of Hurlbut and 
Asboth. The Democratic ticket was not per- 
mitted to be placed upon the poll-books at 
either of nine places of voting. Men were ar- 
rested at Mayfield by the military for offering 
to vote the Democratic ticket. 

CALjiOWAY County. — The Bramlette ticket 
alone was permiited to go upon the poll- books. 
Hickman County. — At Columbus, McAllis- 
ter's and Hays' precincts no polls were open- 
j ed. as the ofBcers refused to act unless per- 
I mitted tohold the election according to law. 
At Moscow precinct the judges were arrested 
and carried to Columbus. At Springhill and 
Peto precincts the Democratic ticket was not 
allowed to be voted for. At Clinton an officer 
; attended with Asboth's order, but, on being 
i shown the law of the State, he refused to in- 
terfere, and the election was held according 
i to law; but the voters having understood that 
1 Asboth's order would be enforced, they re- 
mained at home, and not half the Democratic 
i vote of the precinct was cast. 
I Fulton County. — At Hickman en officer 
commanding the troops ordered the judges to 
1 suffer no one to be voted for unless they were 
satisfied he had taken the oath prescribed by 
Gen. Asboth. The Democratic ticket was 
therefore not allowed to be voted for at that 
point, though many offered to vote for it 
I Meade County. — At Big Spring Captain 
j Johnson forbade the Democratic ticket to be 
! placed on the poll-books, stating that he was 
! acting under the orders of Gen. Shackleford. 
I Shelby County. — At Doke's precinct no 
' one was allowed to vote unless for Bramlette, 
I though voters offered to take any oath re- 
i quired. They were told that no disloyal maa 
I could vote, and an offer to vote the Demo- 
cratic ticket was evidence of disloyalty. 

Lyon County. — Soldiers were stationed at 
each precinct. The Democratic ticket was 
not permitted to be voted for. ^ 

Daviess County. — At Owensboro' the Dem- 
ocratic ticket was not permitted to be entered 
on the poll- book. At Yelvington the oath re- 
j quired by the State laws only was adminis- 
j tered, and WicklilTe got two votes to one for 
j Bramlette. At Knottsvillo the Democratic 
I ticket was erased from the poll-book by the 
I military, as was also done at CurdviUe, Oak- 
[ ford, and Murday's. 

j HendeesoS^ounty. — Voters were required 
' to take Gen. Shackleford's oath. At Hejjdep- 



19 



B9n several persons were arrested for voting 
the Democratic ticket. At the Hebardville, 
Spottsville, and Tillotson's precincts tlie Dem- 
ocratic ticket was not allowed on the poll- 
books. At the Walnut Bottom precinct six- 
teen were cast for Wickliffe and none for 
Bramlette before the arrival of the military, 
when the officer in command seized the poll- 
books and carried them to headquarters. 

Owen County. — In eight precincts no votes 
were permitted to be cast for Wickliffe. For 
some reason ninety-seven votes were permit- 
ted to be recorded for him in one precinct and 
thirty-six in another. 

Nflson County. — At Bardstown Col. Butler 
ia person erased the Democratic ticket from 
the poll-books. At Boston, Blocmfield, High 
Grove, Deatsville, and Ballard's, the soldiery 
prohibited any one from voting for Wicblfife. 
At Chaplain the military were not permitted 
to control the election, and WicklifFe got 
ninety- three votes to Six for Bramlette. 

WooDFOKD County. — At Versailles the Pro- 
vost Marshal gave notice at the polls that 
those who voted the Democratic ticket would 
leave a record of their disloyalty so that he 
would know whose property to seize as the 
sympathizers in rebellion. Finally, none 
were allowed to vote who disapproved the 
negro policy of the Administration. 

Conokessional Distkicts Nos. 6 and 7. — 
Voters, in addition to the oath required by 
law, were required to answer questions as to 
their feelings, sympathies, and wishes. If 
they failed to answer these satisfactorily, cr 
refused to answer at all, their votes were re- 
jected. Those who had voted early in the 
day were afterward called back and these 
questions put to them and their votes erased. 

Before the election, the Democratic candi- 
date for Congress in the fifth District and the 
candidate for the Legislature in Livingston 
county, were arrested and sent to Henderson, 
many miles from their homes, and there 
detained until after the election. Thus, by 
prescribing illegal oaths, by dictating illegal 
act to county courts and judges and clerks of 
the election, by arresting judges of the elec- 
tion for refusing to administer the illegal oaths 
in violation of their oaths of office, by not 
allowing men who were willing to take the oath 
to vote the Democratic ticket, by threaten- 
ing to arrest and actually arresting voters in 
favor of that ticket, by declaring such votes 
a proof of disloyalty thus exposing their pra- 
perty to seizure, by seizing the poll books 
and erasing the names of the Democratic 
candidates in more than fifty precincts, by 
erasing Democratic votes and abstracting poll 
books showing Democratic majorities — by a 
multiplicity of outrages like these, a great 
victory was acliieved by the federal army in 
Kentucky — a victory over the right of suf- 



frage, over the white man's liberty, over the 
Constitutions of the State and of the United 
States, a victory if often repeated, as fatal to 
the Union as secession itself, a disunion tio- 
TORY. The total number of voters in Kentucky 
as officially reported, was 182,246. Only 
80,000 were cast, of which Mr. Wickliffe re- 
ceived less than 17,400. The opposing can- 
didate received the residue, being but a little 
more than one-third of the actual vote of the 
State. This fact, connected with the means 
taken to defeat Mr. Wickliffe, affords strong 
presumptive evidence that he would have re- 
ceived a majority of the votes had there been 
a free election. And the same means which 
defeated him, placed in Congress and in the 
State Legislature many members who now 
hold their seats, not" by the will of the people, 
but by federal bayonets. 

And what do we hear now f The Secretary 
of War in reply to a call from the Senate for a 
copy of all orders issued from his Department 
touching these elections, reports that no such 
orders were issued! If there were no orders 
from the Secretary of War, the General-in- 
Chief or the President, every officer who par- 
ticipated in these outrages, ought to be 
cashiered and driven from the army in dis- 
grace. But has any one of them been punish- 
ed, reprimanded or censured ? Not one. 

There is a mystery here which demands 
from Congress a most searching investigation. 
As friends of the white man's liberty, will they 
not make it ? 

In my next, I propose to treat of the last 
Maryland election. 

Andrew Jackson. 

February 9th, 1864. 



^ LETTER IX. 

MARYLAND ELECTION — THE' ELECTION LAWS OP 

THAT STATE ITS STEELING LOYALTY GENERAL 

SCHENCK's order — MODIFICATION BY THE PRE- 
SIDENT — THE governor's PROCLAMATION 

HOW IT WAS TREATED — THE PRESIDENT RB- 
EPONSIBLE — SUMMARY OF OUTRAGES. 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

States : 

The Kentucky election was early in August 
last. The Maryland election was in the sub- 
sequent November. If the Administration 
had disappreved of the outrages committed 
by the military authorities in Kentucky, they 
had ample time to guard against similar out- 



20 



rages in Maryland. How far any such pre- 
cautions were taken maybe judged by the 
following narrative. 

The qualifications of voters and the rules 
governing elections were pressribed by the 
constitution and laws of Maryland in the 
exercise of the "powers reserved to the 
States respectively or to the people " on the 
adoption of the Constitution of the United 
States. 

Among the laws regulating elections, was 
one prohibiting " any commissioned or non- 
commissioned ofBcer, having command of any 
Boldier or soldiers quartered or posted in any 
district of any county of the State, to muster 
or embody any of said troops or march any 
recruiting party within the view of any place 
of election during the time of hold said elec- 
tions." And the election 'laws of the State 
empowered the judges of the election to pre- 
serve order at the polls, and if necessary for 
that purpose to call out any part, or the whole 
power of the country. 

If the military authorities had possessed the 
Tight to interfere with the elections under any 
circumstances, there was nothing in the con- 
dition of Maryland at that time, which requir- 
ed, justified or in any degree escused their 
interference. 

Nobody has undertaken to call iu question 
the loyalty or veracity of his Excellency A. 
W. Bradford, the Governor of Maryland. In 
his proclamation issued on the second day of 
November last are the following passages, viz : 

"It is a well known fact, that with perhaps 
one single exception, there is not a Congres- 
sional candidate in this State whoie loyalty is 
even of a questionable character, and not in a 
county in the State outside of the same Con- 
gressional district, is there, I believe, a can- 
didate for the legislature, or any State office, 
"whose loyalty is not equally undoubted." 

Again he says ; "For more than two years 
past there has never been a time, when, if 
every traitor and every treasonable sympa- 
thiser in the State had voted, they could have 
controlled, whoever might have been their 
candidate, a single Department of the State 
or jeoparded the success of the general gov- 
ernment. No State in the Union has been or 
is now, actuated by more heartfelt or unwaver- 
ing loyalty than Maryland, a loyalty intensi- 
fied and purified by the ordeal through which 
it has passed." 

In refereece to the loyalty of Maryland, we 
Lava the evidence of General Schenck in 
confirmation of that of Governor Bradford. 



In an explanatory order issued by him on the 
3d of November last, he speaks as follows, viz : 

"Governor Bradford himself cannot appre- 
ciate more highly than I do, the sterling loyal- 
ty of the great majority of the people of Mary- 
land.^' 

One would think that this * ' great majority' ' 
countenanced by the presence of United States 
troops in this State, might safely be left to 
manage their own elections according to law, 
without the interference of the military. Yet 
the General in command, without notice to 
the State authorities, on the 27th of October 
issued & General Order of the following tenor, 
viz: 

It directed, Jirst, " all provost marshals and 
other military ofScers to arrest all such per- 
sons [evil disposed persoHS, who had been 
engaged in rebellion or given aid and comfort] 
found at or hanging about or approaching any 
poll or place of election on the 4th November, 
1863, and report such arrest to his Headquar- 
ters." 

Secondly, It prescribed a long oath to be 
required of those whose votes might be ckal- 
lenged on the ground of disloyalty. 

Thirdly. It required all provost marshals 
and military olScers to arrest and report to 
Headquarters all Judges of election who might 
refuse to aid in carrying out the Order or to 
administer the oath. 

This order was not communicated to the 
Governor of the State nor published, but 
sent off privately with squads of soldiers to 
various counties. The Governor having ob- 
tained information of the arrangements in 
progress, did, on the Slst October, appeal to 
the President to prevent the meditated out- 
rage. Not having received any reply, he, on 
the 2d November, issued a proclamation 
denouncing the projected iHtorference with 
th<^ freedom of the election, and promising 
the aid of the State authorities as far as prac- 
titable to maintain it. The general in com 
mand prohibited the publication of this paper 
in the Baltimore newspapers and laid an 
embargo on aU vessels bound to the Eastern 
Shore to prevent its circulation in that part 
of the State ! 

After his proclamation was printed, the 
Governor received an answer from the Presi- 
dent, in which he rescinded the first clause 
of General Schenck's order substituting for it 
an order that "all provost marshals and 
military officers do prevent all disturbance 
and violeaae at or about the polls." "The 



21 



otiier two propesitioEs," 
to stand." 
What hare wo here ? 



allow i he and i:i3 ofucer* esripcially devoted them- 

j selves throughout, the day of election. 
clh-p"'- I "^^"^ *'"^® statements and certificates whicli 



, , , ^ .. ^,. ,/,. "/'"7T'' I li'''"^s been forwarded to me from diSyrent 

order from the President himseh directing hiy ; counties in that Congressional district, I have 
provost marshals and military oftScers to j bpen furnished I presume, v/ith an account of 
usurp the power of keeping order at the polls ! P^" ^ "^^^7 of the outrages to which their citi- 
in a State election-a function belonging by i f?f „^^f subjected The 'Governnient 
, .,,,,. ^ , , , ^ ticKet' above retcrred to Avas in several, if 

law exclusively to thejadges of the election, ^ ^ot all of these counties designated by its 
and this usurpation involving a palpable , color ; it was a yellow ticket, and armed With 
violation of the law which prohibits the pre- ^^lat, a voter could safely run the gauntlet of 
sence of the military within sight of the polls. !^^ sabres and carbines that guarded the en- 
„ , „ ,, ,. ^ , T. T. i trance to the pohs, ana known sympathisers 

We have, secondly, the direct approval by the j .^it^ the rebellion were, as certified to me, 
President of the second and third clauses of ! allowed to vote unquestioned, if they would 
General Schenck's order prescribing an illegal 
oath and directing the arrest of all judges of 
election who might refuse to administer it. 
Thus, whether any orders were issued from 
the War Department or not, the responsibil- 
ity for the interference of the military with 
the freedom of elections in Maryland, 
brought home to the President. 

How the orders of General Schenck and the ! caused every ballot offered to be examined 
President were carried out, the Governor of ^"^^ ^=^^^^^ \%^^f the favored one, the voter 
' . was required to t'.ke the oath, and not otber- 

Muryland graphically describes in his late \ wise ; and in another again, after one vote 
message to the Legislature. After stating [ only had been given, the polls were closed, 
f.:i.ong other things, that the modification of I '■^° ji^^ages all arrestsd an-t sent out of the 
the order by the President " seemed to re- | l^T^' ''"'^ "^'^'^^'^ occupation taken of th« 
ceive no attention from those entrusted with | ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ treatment received by one of 
it5 execution, and was in some instances!,^, adhering States of this Union. ^' The 
openly disregarded," he sums up the out- i ,_r i u j . ■. „ c i 

f ■> b, } f , sterhnj loyalty of a great majority" of whosa 

' people is admitted ! 

That the object of this interference Vt'ith 
the election the offiGcr in command of the ! *^« election was not to preserve order at the 
regiment which had been distributed among i polls, is quite palpable. Y/hat the real ob- 
the counties of the Eastern Shore, and who ' ject was can scarcely be mistaken. But there 
had himself landed in Kent county com- ; ^.^ some features of the transaction which re- 
mc-nced his operations by arresting and send- I . . „ , ., . 
ing across the bay some ten or more of the | ^'^^''^ ^'^'^^^'^ elucidation. 



vote that ticket, whilst loysl and respected 
citiz»^ns, ready to take the oath, were turned 
back by the ofScera in charge without even 
allowing them to approach the polls. In one 
district, &■? appears by certificate from the 
judge, the military ofUcer took his stand at 
llie pclb before they were opened, declaring 
that none but ' the yellow ticket' should be 
is 1 voted, and excluded all others throughout the 
I day. In another district a similar officer 



rages of the election as follows 

'■Thtse abuses commenced even before the 
opening of the polls. On liie day preceding 



ino't estimable end distinguished of its citi- 
rens, including several of the most steadfast 
and uncompromising loyalists 'of the Shore. [ 
The jail of the county was entered, the jailor 
seized, imprisoned, and afterwards sent to 
Ealtimore, and prisoners confined therein un- 
der indictment set at liberty. Thecoramand- 
ing officer referred to gave the first clue to the 
character of the disloyalty against which he 
considered himself as particularly commis- 
sioned by printing and publishing a procla- 
mation in which, referring to the election to 
take place the next day, he invited all the 
truly loyal to avail themselves of that oppor- 
tunity and establi.<h their loyalty ' by giving 
a fall and ardent support to the whole Gov- 
ernment ticket upon the p*atform adopted by 
the Union League Convention,' declaring 
that 'none other is recognizt^d by the Federal 
authorities as loyal or worthy of support of 
jiny one who desires the peace and restoration 
cf the Union.' To secure the election of 
that ticket seemed to be Iho business to which 



February 11, 1S64. 



Andrew Jackson. 



LETTER X. 
A SAD SIGN — THE PRESlDKST's REASOSISG— IS UK 

A MONAKCH? PRETEXT EOK l.NTERFERENCH I^^ 

ELECTIONS — THE REAL OBJECT SHOWN AT THil 
POLLS — IT WAS TO PUT DOWN THE CONSERVA- 
TIVE PARTY AND PCf UP THE REVOLUTIONARY 

PARTY — IT WAS REVOLUTION IP THERE HAD 

r>EEN DLOODSUED, WHO KESPONSIDLE ? 

To all Unconditional Union Men in the United 

States : 

In th<5 ccnclusion of my last letter I said 
there were some features in the interference 
of the military with the Maryland clcctiou 
which required further elucidation. 

It is a sad sign of the times, that the Exe- 
cutive authorities cf the United States seem to 



22 



forget that we live under written constitu- 
tions and laws. They seem to consider them- 
Belves the leaders of a revolution, entitled, as 
such, to the unlimited power of binding men's 
consciences with oaths and controlling their 
•wiU by bayonets. What shadow of constitu- 
tional or legal right has the President to as- 
sume that the governments of the seceded 
States have ceased to exist, or, if they have, 
by what grant of power is he authorized to 
reconstruct them? State governments con- 
structed by any other power than a majority 
of the people to be governed, are hitherto un- 
known in our political system. The whole 
proceeding is a military usurpation, fraught 
with fearful dangers. 

So in the elections within the border States. 
The oath prescribed by the military officers 
as a qualification for suffrage ("in the case of 
Maryland at least approved by the President) 
are either without law, or in violation of 
law. In his approval of General Schenck's 
order, the President authorizes a direct viola- 
tion of the election laws of that State. Hear 
what he says in a letter to Governor Brad- 
ford dated the second day of November last. 
Says he : " The remaining point of your let- 
ter is a protest against any person ofifering to | 
vote being put to any test not found in the j 
laws of Maryland. This brings ua to a differ- j 
ence between Missouri and Maryland. With 
the same reason in both States. Missouri 
has by law provided a test for the voter with 
reference to the present rebellion, while Mary- 
land has not.'' ^ 

Consider the result of this reasoning. Be- 
cause Missouri, having a perfect right to re- 
strict suffrage to loyal voters, has done so, 
and Maryland, being thoroughly loyal and 
not deeming it necessary, has not done so, 
therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, by my Major 
General Schenck, will prescribe such a law for 
the State of Maryland 1 Now, where does the 
President get the power to legislate jor Mary- 
land ? Is he an absolute monarch ? 

At the outset of the rebellion, the country 
was ready to tolerate the assumption of illegal 
powers in Maryland and elsewhere, under the 
impression that the safety of the country re- 
quired it. But the occasion for the exercise 
of such powers in Maryland has passed away. 
Governor Bradford bears testimony to the 
tried loyalty of the State at large, and Gen- 
eral Schenck admits the " sterling loyalty " 
of a " great majority" of its citizens. Whbt, 
then, is the pretext for prescribing a new 



qualification for voters, stationing soldiers at 
the polls in violation of the State law, and 
usurping the control of the elections f The 
pretext as stated by General Schenck in his 
original order was that "there are many evil- 
disposed persons now at large in the State of 
Maryland who have been engaged in rebellioa 
against the lawful government, or have given 
aid and comfort or encouragement to ethers 
so engaged, er who do not recognize their 
allegiance to the United States, and who may 
avail themselves of the indulgence of the au- 
thority which tolerates their presence to em- 
barrass the approaching election, or through 
it to foist enemies of the United States into 
power." In an explanatory order he said: 
" Its simple purpose is to prevent traitoroas 
persons from controlling, in any degree, by 
their votes or taking part in the coming elec- 
tion." And this in a State whose Governor 
tells us that "/ur more than two years past 
there has never been a time when, if every traitor 
and every treasonable sympathizer had voted, 
they could have controlled, whoever might hav* 
been their candidate, a single department of th* 
State, or jeopardized the success of the General 
Government." 

What, then, was the object of the military 
interference ? The demonstration made at 
the polls unmistakeably indicates. 

It seems there are in Maryland a number of 
political clubs, whose members are sworn to 
secrecy, called "Union Leagues." These 
clubs held a convention before the election, 
and prescribed a political platform for all 
candidates as a test of loyalty. Candidates 
were brought out on that platform, which 
was t"horoughly radical and revolutionary. 
Conservative Union men, who had stood by 
the Government from the outbreak of the 
rebellion, were to be driven out of Congress 
and the State Legislature, and their places 
supplied by men pledged to support the 
President in all his unconstitutional and re- 
volutionary measures and designs. That the 
military officers might know what tickets to 
receive 'and what to reject, the Union League 
ticket was printed on yellow paper. Procla- 
mation was made by one military com- 
der, calling on "all the truly loyal to 
avail themselves of that opportunity and 
establish their loyalty by giving a full and 
ardent support to the whole Government 
ticket upon the platform adopted by the Union 
League Convention," declaring that "none other 
is recognized by the Federal authorities as loyal or 



23 



worthy of the support of any one who de- 
sires the peace and restoration of the Union." 
At one precinct, a Federal officer declared 
that none but the yellow ticket should be. 
voted, and enforced his declaration ; known 
sympathizers armed with the yellow ticket, 
were allowed to vote unquestioned, while 
thoroughly loyal men, riot so armed, were not 
allowed to vote at all. 

The contest in that election was not be- 
tween Union men and Secessionists ; but 
between conservatives and ultras, between 
unconditional Union men who are in favor of 
sustaining the Constitution as it is and restor- 
ing the Union as it was, and a revolutionary 
party, falsely calling themselves uncondi- 
tional Union men, who are (Jo-operating with 
the Executive in uprooting the very founda- 
tions of our free institutions. 

That the Administration approved the out- 
rageous conduct of its officers at the polls is 
evidenced, as in the State of Kentucky, by 
their utter failure to punish or even censure 
them. 

Now, can any one after all this, doubt the 
real object of this military interference ? It 
was to sustai7i the revolutionary parti/ and to put 
down the conservative parti/. It was to decide 
an election by the bayonet. It was to place 
in Congress and the State Legislature subser- 
vient instruments of the Exsculive instead of 
true representatives of the people. It was 
revolution ! The President might as well have 
appointed the members thus elected himself 
withoat the formality of a sham election. 
And it is a mark of the degeneracy of the 
limes, that men are found willing to accept 
and hold offices thus conferred. 

Gen. Schenck says in his explanatory order 
that he will not presume the Governor's pro- 
clamation "was designed to produce collision 
between the military power and the citizens 
asserablec" at the polls to vote at the election ; 
but I cannot doubt," says he "that its obvious 
tendency is to invito and suggest such dis- 
turbance." Well, had the judges of the 
election, in pursuance of law, called out the 
power of the counties and driven the federal 
troops with slaughter from the polls, where 
they were, not only without law, but in viola- 
tion of law, who woald have been responsible? 
the government which placed them there, or 
the people who would have act«d in defence 
of their darest right — that right on which all 
other rights depend ? 

These "Union Leagues," so called, at 



I whose bf^hest the government sends out its 
armies to aid them in carrying elections, 
deserve more attention than they have re- 
ceived. AxDBEW Jackson. 
February 25, 1864. 



LETTER XI. 
THE UJTION LEAOaES — THEIR OATH — THEIR OBJECI 

THEIS MEANS TREMENDOUS INDIVIDUAL EB- 

SPONSIBILITY — IN PARTNEKSHiP WITH THE PBB- 
SIDENT — THE ARMY AT THEIR COMMAND — THEIS 
"plans" THE "freeman's PLEDGE" THE 

negro's freedom is what thet mean. 
To all Unconditional Union Men of the United 

States. 

The relations which appear to exist between 
the Union Leagues and the present Adminis- 
tration of our Government, make it the duty 
of every loyal citizen to inquire into the mo- 
tives and designs of those combinations. 

The basis of these clubs is an oath or oaths 
which have recently been brought to light in 
the following manner and In the following 
words, viz : 

A Springfield CHlinois,) letter, published in 
the St. Louis Republican of the 30th ultimo, 
gives a full exposition of the ceremonies, pass- 
words, &o., of the Union League, as derived 
"from a correct and literal copy of the Ritual 
adopted by the National Convention of the 
Union League of America, at Cleveland, on 
the 21st day of May, A. D. 1S63, duly certi- 
fied by the signature of J. M. Edwards, Q. P., 
andW. R. Irwin, G. R, S." This work is 
described as a pamphlet of three by four 
inches, containing twenty pages. Th« oaih 
administered to initiates is as follows : 

" I, A B , do solemnly swear, (or afiarm,) 

in the presence of those witnesses, that I have 
never vuluntarily borue arms against tbo United 
States since I have been a citizen thereof; that I 
will support, protect, and dcfead tho Constitution 
and Government of the United States, and the 
flag thereof, against all enemies, foreign and do- 
mestic; that I will bear true faith and aliegianoo 
to tho same ; and that I will also defend this Stiito 
against any invasim, insurrection, or rebellion, to 
the extent of my ability. This I freely plodgo 
without mental reservation or evasion. Futher- 
morc, that I will do all in my power to elect true 
and reliable Union men and supporters of th» 
Government, and none others, to all utiicos of 
prolit or trust, from tho lowest to tho highest, in 
ward, town, county, State, and General Govern- 
ment. And should I ever be called to till any 
office, I will faithfully carry out tho objects and 
lirinciplos of this League. And, further, that I 
will protect, aid, and defend all worthy mem- 
bers of tho Union League. And, further, I will 
never make known in any way or maanor, to any 
person or persons, not mombors of tho Union 
League, any of tho signs, pass-words, proceed- 
ings, debates, or plans of this or any other Coun- 
cil under this organization, except when engaged 
in admitting new members into this League. And 



24 



witli my hand upon the Iloly B;b]a, Ceclarafion 
of Independence, and Constitution of tbe United 
States of America, under the seal of my sacred 
honor, I acknowledge myself firmly bound and 
pledged to tbe faithful performance of this my 
solemn obligation. So help me Grod." 

This oath having been taken "with clasped 
and uplifted hands," all repeat the "free- 
man's pledge," as follows : 

•■'To defend and perpetuate Freedom and the 
Union, I pledge my life, my fortune, and my 
sacred honor. So help me God." 

These oaths have been for many weeks be- 
fore the public and there seems to bo no rea- 
son to doubt their authenticity. I believe it 
has never been denied. 

Far be it from me to impeach the motives 
of all those who may have taken these oaths 
or joined these associations ; but I am per 
suaded that they have done it without due 
consideration of the tremendous responsibi- 
lity involved in the act. Tlie leading object 
of the Leagues is said to be, no doubt truly, 
the extinction of slavery ia the United States. 
That object is not in itself illegal or imconsti- 
tutional ; for slavery may be abolished by 
legal and constitutional means. Eut these 
oaths are not limited to such means. They 
bind the men who take them to support any 
means for the accomplishment of tha.t end 
which the League itself may prescribe, how- 
ever unlawful and atrocious. They go fur- 
ther and bind the member never to ' ' make 
known vi any way or manner, to any person or 
persons, not members of the Union Leatjue, any of 
the signs, passwords, proceedings, debates or 
PLANS of this or any other Council under this 
organization, except when engaged in admit- 
ting new members into this League." 

Look at the comprehensiveness of this obli- 
gation. The '^plans^' of an organization are 
always digested by its leaders. Does robbery en- 
t«r into their "plans ?" Their sworn followers 
are bound not to disclose it ! Does revolution ? 
They must be silent I Does assassination^ 
They must be mute ! Are they called upon be- 
fore a court or jury to testify in such a case ? 
They must PERJURE themselves ! ! To all 
this the Union Leaguer binds himself when he 
says : ' ' With my hand on the Holy Bible, Decla 
ration cf Independence arid Constitution of the 
United States of Aincrica, under the seal of my 
sacred honor, I acknotcledge myself Jirmly bound 
and pledged the faithful performance of this 7ny 
solemit obligation. So iielp Jte Qod." 

Honest Union Leaguer, is it not so ? Look 
again at the oath you have taken. Does it 
except any "plan" which may be adopted by 



your "League," however unjust, cruel, dia- 
bolical and bloody ? Have you not surren- 
dered your right of individual opinion and 
independent action ? Have you not sworn to 
conceal "treason, stratagem and crime" even 
to the extreme of perjury in a court of justice, 
should such elements enter into the "plans'^ of 
the Union Leagues'? In fine, have you not 
made yourself a slave in the name of freedom f 

"What the present "plans" of those Leagues 
are, has been but partially developed. That 
the leading Leaguers themselves are conscious 
that they will not bear the light, is proved 
by the means used to keep them secret. If 
their object be to extinguish slavery by consti- 
tutional and legal means, why impose an oath 
of secrecy ? The very fact of their requiring 
such an oath, is of itself proof that they con- 
template, the use of questionable means. 

Whether the Union Leagues or President 
Lincoln now command the army and govern 
the country, is perhaps a question of doubt. 
The indications are that they share the honor 
between them. The confidence they have in 
each other, is shown on the one hand by their 
being intrusted with the registration of the 
PresideQt's voters in Louisiana, and by the 
vi'se of the army to enable them to carry the 
late election in Maryland and other States, 
and on the other, by the unanimity with 
which the Union Leagues are coming out in 
favor of Mr. Lincoln's re-election. Indeed it 
may be assumed, without much danger of 
mistake, that the President's emancipation 
proclamation, his scheme of reconstruction, 
and the treatment v^hich the loyal raen of th® 
Border States are receiving at his hands, are 
parts of the "plans" of the Union Leagues. 
But whether these "plans" were originally 
theirs or uot, they adopt them as their own 
by giving them their united support. And 
what are the characteristics of these plans ? 

One of these characteristics is robbery of 
loyal men! The President's emancipation 
proclamation declares all the slaves in certain 
Stales and parts of States free, whether the 
property of loyal masters or disloyal. 

Another characteristic of the "plan" is, 
that it punishes the loyal masters by disfran- 
chisement if they refuse assent to the rob- 
bery. They must swear to support the Presi- 
dent's emancipation proclamation, or not be 
allowed to vote in the reconstruction of their 
own governraent! No alternative is left 
them; they must consent to bo robbed or dis- 
franchised !' 



25 



Another characteristic of the "plan "is, 

that it purposes to use the armies of the 

United States to enable minorities to govern 

' majorities, one- tenth to govern nine-tenths, 

in the redeemed States. 

Another part of the " plan " is, to use the 
army to enable them to carry the elections in 
the loyal States, driving freemen from the 
polls and filling Congress and the State Leg- 
islatures with men of their own type of loy- 
alty. Look at the late elections in Missouri, 
Kentucky, Delaware, and Maryland, where 
the freedom of elections has been suppressed 
by the united action of the Union Leagues and 
the Union Armij ! It is officially reported that 
no orders were issued from the War Depart- 
ment touching the employment of the troops 
in their raids upon the polls. Did their orders 
come from the Union Leages ? 

It appears that the Leaguers are not con- 
tent with imposing on their converts one oath 
taken "with clasped and uplifted hands;" 
but after he has taken it, they ail swear him 
and themselves over again in what they call the 
" freeman'd pledge " in the following words, 
viz : 

"To defend and perpetuate Freedom and 
the Union, I pledge my life, ray fortune, and 
my sacred honor. So help me God." 

What a spectacle before High Heaven is a 
conclave of men who have sworn away their 
own freedom of opinion and of action, swear- 
ing themselves ahundi-ed times over " to de- 
fend and perpetuate Freedom''^ with a pledge 
of life, fortune, and sacred honor ! This strange 
inconsistency is to be reconciled only on the 
ground, that the only freedom they mean is 
iiiQ freedom of the negro, and to that they are 
willing to sacrifice their own ; not only their 
own freedom, but "/(/e, fortune, and sacred 
honor." 

I am not done with this subject. 

Andeew Jackson. 

February 25, 1864. 



LETTER XII. I 

KECAPITCLATION — APPEAL TO THE FAITHFUL 

THE LEAGUER SWEARS AWAY HIS PERSONAL AND 

OFFICIAL INPKPEKDENCE A POLITICAL TRAP j 

HE MUST PROTECT, AID AND DEFEND WORTHY { 
]f EMBERS — HOW ? — WHO ARE "WORTHY " MEM- 
BERS ? 

To all Unconditional Union Men of the United 

States : 

III ray last letter I presented you with the 
form of the oath, end of the pledge prescribed 
by the National Union League Convention, to 



be taken by ?.1I new members admitted into 
that association, and called particular atten- 
tion to the clause which binds them never to 
disclose, under a/fay circumstancgs any of their 
"plans." 

I showed by unmistakable indications in 
Louisiana and Maryland, a perfect concert of 
action between the Union Leagues and the 
military power of the country of which the 
President is the head. 

I showed by conclusive circumstantial evi- 
dence, that one of the "plans" of the Union 
Leagues, which its members are sworn not 
to disclose, is to use the army of the United 
States to enable minorities to govern majori- 
ties in the redeemed States, and to suppress 
the freedom of elections in the loyal Slates, 
so far as may be necessary to the execution of 
their own " plans." 

I showed that having sworn away their 
own freedom of opinion and action, they yet 
pledge life, fortune and sacred honor "to 
defend and perpetuate Freedom," and that 
this inconsistency can be reconcile'' only oa 
the ground that they mean, not th-j freedom 
of the white man, but only the freedom of the 
negro, for which they are ready to sacrifice 
their own ! 

Hoi all ye "unconditional Union men," 
will ye not rush forward and join this most 
benevolent and disinterested of all associa- 
tions I Are ye not ready to sacrifice, not 
only your own freedom and that of thirty 
millions of whites, but also your own " life, 
fortune and sacred honor" to set four millions 
of negroes free ? Are ye not ready, if need- 
ful, to order the armies of the United States 
into New Hampshire, Connecticut, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and ail 
the free States, to enable you to carry the 
^^ yellow ticket" there, as in the Slate of Mary- 
land ? What is the white man's liberty com- 
pared with the negro's freedom ! 

But I am digressing from my immediate ob- 
ject. Let us look a little further into the 
bond under which the Union Leaguer is re- 
quired to put his conscience, his tongue and his 
actions. In one clause of the oath, he swears 
" that I will do all iu my power to elect true 
aud reliable Union men and supporters of the 
government, aud none others, to all offices 
of profit and trust, from the lowest to the 
highest, in ward, town, county, State and 
general government." 

Here it will be seen that it is not sufiicient 
that a candidate is "a reliable Union man" 



26 



to get a Leaguer's vote ; but he must also be 
*^ a supporter of the Government/' What this 
means becomes pvident when we advert to 
the fact, that the newspaper organs of the 
Lea^iiers, stotitly maintain, that the Admin- 
istration is the Government, and that those who 
would support the Government, must support 
the Administration. This clause of the oath, 
therefore, is a mere party pledge. It bjnds 
those who take it, to support for all offlces 
"from the lowest to the highest" the parti- 
zans of the Administration, " and none others." 

Now, will any considerate man deliberately 
bind his conscience by an oath to do, what, 
in the mutations of men and things, that same 
conscience may tell him it is his duty to God 
and his country not to do ? Does it become 
an honest man or a patriotic man to place 
himself in a condition where he may find it 
necessary to violate his conscience or his 
oath ? Will he not rather maintain his inde- 
pendence of opinion and of action, so that 
upon the recurrence of each successive elec- 
tion he may vote according to the dictates of 
his own reason and conscience ? 

The truth is, this is but a trap set by polit- 
ical leaders to catch unwary voters and mul- 
titudes are running into it as the simple 
partridge or quail runs into the hunter's 
Bet. 

They dare not rely on the freedom of the pop- 
ular reason and conscience, and therefore they 
seek by an oath to deprive the people of their 
freedom of action. And this they do in the 
name of liberty 1 

These political leaders are not content to 
deprive the voter of his freedom of opinion and 
action, but lest the person elected should, in 
his official capacity, assert his independence of 
this political combination, they include the 
following clause in his oath, viz : 

*^ And should 1 be called to Jill any office, I 
will fhith fully carry out the objects and princi- 
ples of this League." 

Having sacrificed his personal indepen- 
dence, the Leaguer here sacrifices his ojicial 
independence. He swfears beforehand, not to 
be true to the Constitution and laws of his 
country or to the will and interests of his con- 
stituents, but to "the objects and principles 
of the Union League." Those " objects and 
principles" are to be considered above and 
before all constitutions and laws, all constitu- 
encies and public interests 1 In fine, every 
Union Leaguer, by whomsoever elected, is 
sworn to consider the Union Leagues his only 



I constitu'^ats and its "objects and principles" 

I his only constitution I 

i Let all independent voters in the Repub- 
lic take care that they do not put in offices of 
profit or trust, men who have already sworn 

t away their individual and official indepen- 
dence, and bound themselves by an oath to 
represent the Union Leagues rather than 

j those who elect them. 

I Having thus sworn away his own freedom 

j of thought and action, the League? is made to 
swear as follows, viz : 

I "And further, that I wUl protect, aid, and 

defend all worthy members of the Union 

League." 

I Here is another comprehensive obligation. 

! Who are '^worthy members?" What makes 

i them "worthy?" How are they to be pro- 

i tectedt By what means and under what cir- 

j cumstances are they to be aided? Against 

j what are they to be defended 9 

I In the absence of any decisions by the judi- 

j cial authorities of this quasi government, 

! which aspires, through oath-bound subjects, 

j to control all the other governments in tnis 

I country " from the lowest to the highest," 

we must answer their questions in the light 

of the principles and practices of the Union 

Leagues as far as disclosed. In this light, 

we take the "worthy member" to be one who 

keeps his oath, one who devotes himself to 

" the objects and principles of the League ;" 

one who will not disclose its "plans" though 

they might involve robbery, murder and 

revolution ; one who would not hesitate to 

perjure himself in court if necessary to avoid 

j the disclosure ; one who will vote only as bid- 

! den by the Leagues ; one who, if elected to 

! office, will, if necessary to effect the objects 

j of the League, disregard the will and interests 

of his constituents, trample under foot all 

existing constitutions, laws and institutions, 

and bury the North as well as the South in 

an ocean of blood. And thig " worthy member'^ 

every other member swears to "protect, aid, 

and defend," without limitation as to the 

means, involving protection from arrest, aid 

in escaping, defence if need be, by perjury in 

court and by arms out of court 1 

Is any one startled by this development ? 
Let him look at the oath. Does it confine the 
means of protection, aid, or defence to lawful 
means ? Does it not embrace all means, right 
or wrong, lawful or unlawful, peaceful or 
violent ? Indeed, if nothing beyond the ordi. 
nary means were intended, what was the 



2T 



necessity for this clause in the oath ? Well 
might a political organization embracing such 
anarchical and revolutionary principles, en- 
deavor to cover up its "plans" in an oath- 
bound secrecy. Treachery or accident has 
brought out their secret oath to the light of 
day. Doubtless the formulas of their National 
Convention have been adopted by all the sub- 
ordinate Leagues, but whether they have or 
not, they distinctly show the spirit of thk 
formidable combination. 

Before I pass to minor topics, I propose to 
review the dangers which overhang the free- 
dom of the white maa, involved in the means 
adopted to give freedom to the negro. 

AifDEEW Jackson. 

February 27, 1864. 



LETTER Xm. 
HOW MINOKITT BTATB GOVERNMENTS AEE TO BE | 

SUSTAINED A MILITAET DESPOTISM IN THE j 

SOUTH — ITS EFFECT ON THE NOSTH — POLITICAL 
POWER EXTRACTED FROM MILITAET DESPOTISM 

INCREASED SOUTHERN BEPEESENTATION IN 

CONGRESS — PUT THERE BY UNION LEAGUES AND 

FEDERAL BAYONETS ELECTORS OP PRESIDENT 

CHOSEN BY THE SAME POWER — RAIDS ON THE 
POLLS IN LOYAL STATES TO MAKE UP MAJORITY 
— WHO TO BE OUR CiESAR — PEOPLE NOT PRE- 
PAKSD — WILL NORTH ANB WEST SUBMIT — A 
WARNING. 

To all Unconditional Union People of the United 

States : 

Let us now take a survey of the kind of 
government in store for our beloved country 
as shadowed forth in the President's plan of 
reconstruction, and in the management of elec- 
tions in certain loyal States by the united 
action of the Union Leagues and the Federal 
Army. 

Should State governments be established in 
the seceded States by the agency of one-tenth 
or any other minority of voters, how is their 
authority to be maintained against the major- 
ity ? The President anticipates that difficulty, 
and to meet it, promises in effect, to sustain 
the minority against the majority by the army 
of the United States. If the nine-tenths 
easemble in convention and form a constitu- 
tion for their own government, securing equal 
rights to every citizen, in opposition to the 
constitution of the one-tenth, in which a vast 
majority of the people are disfranchised, the 
Federal Army is to step in and compel the 
majority to submit to the minority, and this 
upon the pretext of guaranteeing to the State 
"a Republican form of government" as required 



in the Constitution ! Wculdnit the effect 
be practically the subversion of Kepublican 
government in the redeemed Statos and the 
establishment of a military despotism ? The 
people, instead of having a republican govern- 
ment guaranteed to them, will have been sub- 
jected to the government of the bayonet 
directed by a combination of Jacobin Clubs 
to act as spies and informers whose members 
are sworn to secrecy. 

And what is to be the effect upon the North 
of this system of government in the South ? 
The people of the North must furnifh in 
the main both the men and the means to 
keep up an army of two hundred thousand 
men, more or less, not to put down the 
rebellion, but to enable minorities to govern 
majorities and held the mass of the Southern 
people in practical slavery. 

This is not all. The plan is cunningly devised 
to extract political power from this military qoo- 
ernment in the South for the benpjit of its authors. 
The minorities establishing the new State 
governments, will of course elect all the 
members to which the States are entitled in 
the United States House of Eepresentatives. 
Emancipation of the slaves will very consid- 
erably increase the number of Soiithcrn mem- 
bers. In fixing the appointment under the 
Constitution, three -fifths only of the slaves 
have heretofore been counted; but being 
freed, they must all be counted. Several 
members will therefore be added to the 
Southern Delegation in Congress, and the 
Northern Delegation will be relatively re- 
duced in an equal proportion. But if the 
President's plan be carried into effect in all 
the seceded States, it will throw into the 
House of Representatives according to the 
present apportionment about sixty members, 
elected by minorities controlled by Union 
Leagues and Federal bayonets. 

And it would tiarow into the Senate upwards 
of twenty Senators elected by the . same in- 
fluences and subservient to the same power. 

Each of these bastard States would of course 
claim as many electors of President and Vice 
President as they may have Senators and 
Representatives, all elected by the President's 
sworn voters under the direction of (he Union 
Leagues, and all pledged to sustain the power 
which created them. Should the President 
aspire to be elected for a second term, or for 
successive terms during life, he would thus 
have a force of about eighty votes in the eleo- 
toral Colleges of his own creation, to start 



upon. If it be necessary to add enougli to 
this number to make a majority of the whole, 
he has but to send his armies into the loyal 
States to enable the Union L?>agues to carry 
their "yellow tickets" as in the State of 
Maryland at iho last election. Will not the 
same pretexts alleged to justify the late in- 
terfer.^nce in Maryland, equally justify mili- 
tary interference in the elections in New- 
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, or any and all of 
the loyal States? Are there no ''Copper- 
heads," so called, and sympathizers with the 
rebellion in any of thopi States, whom the 
President has as much right to drive from the 
polls as he had to drive men of the same 
class from the polls in Maryland ? And are 
there no oath-bound Union Leagues in those 
States to get up "government tickets," and 
cause them to be presented to t e people at 
th<i point of the bayonet as the only ticket 
which the Government recognizes as " loyal ?" 
In short, has not the Administration as much 
right, and just as much reason, to place one 
of their own boi^y in the Presidential chair 
by using the army to protect minorities in 
governing majorities in the South, and con- 
trolling elections in the North as it has to 
place it^ own partizans in Congress and the 
State Legislatures, by the same means as it 
has already done f The principle North and 
South is the same, though cropping out in 
different shapes. It involves tho suppres- 
sion of majorities. North as well as South, 
and the subjection of the whole country 
to military domination, flimsily veiled 
by sham popular elections. It is a recur- 
rence of the routine of ancient Rome in her 
decline, when liberty was lost in civil war, 
and the army made the Emperor, and 
the Emperor made the army. Who is to 
be our CsBsar ? Not, I am sure, Abraham the 
Jolcer, 

We do not think our people are prepared 
for such an Union and. such a government as 
the principles, and the practices of this Ad- 
ministration seem to be preparing for them. 
But we beg the Administration to desist from 
their revolutionary schemes and confine their 
military operations hereafter to the only le- 
gitimate objects of the war. Employ your 
armies in defeating and dispersing the rebel 
hosts instead of building up or controlling 
civil institutions. Put down the armed 
rebels and you have nothing to fear from 
"Copperheads" and " Sympathizers." Take 
and set free the slave of every rebel, if you 



please, under your confiscation Liws, thus 
virtually abolishing slavery ; but do not pun- 
ish the innocent with the guilty. Above all 
do not root up the very foundations of our 
free institutions for the purpose of robbing 
or disfrancising those noble Southern men 
who have always been true to our country 
and its Constitution. The great Apostle of 
the Gentiles says: ''Shall loe do evil that 
good may come?^^ God forbid, much less 
should you do evil that wrong and injustice 
may come. 

But independent of means and ends, do 
you imagine that the great States of the North 
and West will long be content to associate on 
equal terms with the Representatives of the 
bastard State governments, tlie illcgitiraate 
off'spring of the strumpet Abolition ? Will the 
millions of Naw York be content with an 
Union which places them on an equality in 
the Senate with fifteen hundred white-washed 
rebels in Florid.i, redeemed and purified by an 
oath to support the President's proclamations ? 
Do you not apprehend danger from extending 
or repeating ths military operations of 1S63, 
at the polls ia Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland 
and Delaware ? Do you think you can, by 
means of armed men and Union Leagues with 
their oath-concealed plans, again suppress 
the freedom of elections in those States or 
drive voters from the polls in New York, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio and the entire North and 
West or any part thereof? 

Beware of the attempt. The mutteringa 
of discontent already reach your ears. The 
lightnings begin to flash around the Northern 
and Western horizon. You will soon hear 
the thunder. Persist ia your unconstitu- 
tional, unjust and revolutionary, career, and 
you will soon find yourselves swimming in a 
sea of blood, with the wrecks of our late glorious 
institutions fioating around you. 

The people North and West, will, as they 
have done heretofore, give men and money 
without stint and endure taxation and priva- 
tion, to enable you to put down the rebellion, 
and they care not if negro slavery perish in tho 
conflict ; but they prefer their own liberty to that 
of the negro. Judge ye, whether they will 
long consent to famish you m«n or means to 
ba employed in subverting, building up or 
controlling civil institutions or suppressing 
the right of suffrage in their own or other 
States. Your oath-bound minions and slan- 
derers cannot muchloager delude the freemen 
of the country with the phantom of negro 



29 



" libert}) and equality" and the cry of " Copper- 
head!'^ " Copperhead r* 

A few remarks upon the profane swearing 
taught by this administration will close this 
branch of our discussion. 

Andbew Jackson. 

March Sth, 1864. 



LETTER XIV. 
BESPECT PAID TO OATHS BY KEBEL3 AND ^* WOOL- 

LT heads" SWEAKINO ALL AROUND TO PRE- 

SCBIBS CATHS IS A LEGISLATIVE FCKCTION — BUT 
NOT EVEN CONGRESS CAN BY AN OATH AT D TO 
OK TAKE FROM THE CONSTITUTIONAL QUALIFICA- 
TIONS OF PRESIDENT OS MEMBERS OF CONGRESS 

OR INTERFERE WITH STATE SUFFRAGE YET THE 

PRESIDENT DOES WHAT CONORKS3 DARES NOT DO 
AND MAKES OATHS ACCOMPLISH THE FUNCTIONS 
OF LAW— CORRUPTS THE FOUNTAINS OF LEGIS 

LATION PECURES A SUBSERVIENT CONGRESS AND 

UNITES ALL POWER IN HIMSELF. 

To all Unconditional Union Men of the United 
States. 

"Our army swore terribly in Flanders," 
said my Uncle Toby. 

Oaths, multiplied beyond all precoden:., ap- 
pear to be one of the principal weapons by 
which the present Administration expect to 
suppress the rebellion and restore the Union. 
What a genuine rebel's oath is worth, may 
be pretty accurately ascertained by reference 
to Mason, Slidell, Wigfall, Floyd, Cobb and 
the band of conspirators in Congress and the 
Executive Departments in l850-6i, all sworn 
to support the Constitution, yet Laboring 
ui^ht .and day to destroy it. What the oaths 
of another class of men nov,' in Congress and 
the Esecative Departments who may be called 
*' Woolly Iliads" are worth, may be estima- 
ti'il by the fact, that though they arc sworn to 
support the Constitution, they are laboring as 
assiduously to siibvert it as did the perjured 
^oathern conspirators. Yet, a rebel's oath is 
now a purgation from all crime, and a loyal 
man's oath, is a guarantee for the most per- 
fect political righteousness. 

I.^ a man arrested en suspicion of being 
'•j>. sympathizer" or giving "aid and com- 
fort" to the rebels? They shut him up a 
wl.ilo, then swear him and let him go. 

Do they catch a spy luiking about Wash- 
^«:gton or conveying intelligence to the en- 
emy? Instpad of trying and hanging him, 
they swear him and turn him loose to resume 
his occupation. 



Do you seek a contract under government ? 
You must swear. 

Do you seek for justice in certain Federal 
courts ? You must swear. 

Would you practice law in those courts? 
You must swear. 

Would a rebel become a voter ? Ho must 
sioear. Would a loyal man in the seceded 
States, preserve his privileges as a citizen? 
He must swear. 

Would a citizen in certain loyal States enjoy 
his right of suffrage as guaranteed to him by 
the Constitution and laws of his State ? He 
must swear. 

This refrain of oaths prescribed by the Ad- 
ministration and its officers, is taken up by 
their adherents throughout the country who 
are organizing themselves into swearing asso- 
ciations, called Union Leagues. Each mem- 
ber swears when he enters, and then all the 
members swear in chorus. "The angels," we 
are told, "rejoice over one sinner that re- 
penteth;" but over the repentant political 
sinner, these angels of darkness sioear. 

And never before have mere oaths been re- 
quired to perform such important functions. 
They are the test of loyalty and the co::(lition 
of pardon. They are in effect, with those 
who take them in certain States, a confisca- 
tion law, and at the same time involve n grant 
of political rights. To those who take them, 
they make that law which is no law to any body 
else. They make certain acts of the President 
on a certain subject, known and unknown, 
past, present and future, laws to the swearer. 
Even Congress, not content with the oath 
prescribed by the Constitution, hare virtually 
resolved themselves into a National Conven- 
tion, and have virtually r.meuded the Consti- 
tution by prescribing new qualifications for 
membership in their own bodies in the shape 
of new fangled oaths. 

If the rebels aro not conquered and the 
Union restored by these voU.ies of oal.hs tired 
against them along the whole Union line, 
there is no use in swearing ! 

To prescribe an oath is a legislative function. 
The framers of the Constitution did not think 
it necessary to exact an. oath of allegiance 
from the gre.it body of the people, and have 
required it only from certain cLisecs of rflicers 
in both the Sti;to and General governments. 
That CcHgrcso may require every citizen to 
take such au oath may bo conceded ; but they 
cannot, by any form of oath, add anything to 
or take anything from, the qualifications for 



30 



office in ca?03 whore those qualifications are 
definitely fixed by tlie Constitution. 

To be eligible to the Presidency, a citizen 
must be thirty five years old. Congress can- 
not enact that he shall be eligible at thirty 
years of f.ge. The Constitution prescribes in 
terms his oath of office ; Congress cannot add 
to those terms or take anything from them. 
Bo, of the members of the Senate and House 
of Representatives. The Constitution fixes 
their age of eligibility and prescribes their 
other qualifications, including their official 
oath. Where the Constitution grants to each 
house of Congress the power to "judge of 
all elections, returns and qualifications of its 
own members," it has reference only to the 
qualifications and elections as prescribed in 
that instrument, and not to new qualifications 
prescribed by themselves or elections by 
voters qualified otherwise than by State con- 
stitutions and laws. 

I know that Congress has assumed the 
power to prescribe new qualifications for its 
members ; but I look upon the act as an 
unconstitutional and alarming innovation. 
But even this revolutionary Congress has not 
dared to attack by oaths cr otherwise, the 
basis of suffrage in the States. That opera- 
tion has been left to the President, the Union 
Leagues and the army. The President legis- 
lates by prescribing oaths, the Union Leagues 
aid and direct, and the arrpy enforces. Swear 
and be robbed, or refuse to swear and be dis- 
franchised; this is the decree of President 
Lincoln, thus far uniting in himself legisla- 
tive, judicial and executive power as com-' 



plet<^ly as ever did King or Emperor in an- 
cient or raoderH times. Thus it is that by 
Executive usurpation of all the powers of 
government, the voters who elect the mem- 
bers of Congress are made the instruments of 
the President, the legitimate legislative power 
corrupted at the fountain. Congress is made 
as subservient to the President as ever the 
Roman Senate was to Julius Caesar. And 
the present Congress, which ought to be in- 
dependent, instead of arresting these mon- 
strous schemes by legislation or even protest, 
silently acquiesce or openly approve, and 
thus the Republic is rapidly sliding into a 
military despotism amidst the firing of can- 
non, the ringing of bells and the shouts of 
the multitude celebrating universal emanci- 
pation. 

So far has the organization of the " uncon- 
ditional" supporters of the President pro- 
gressed, that the more considerate Republi- 
cans who see no end to the war under his 
changeable and imbecile management, dare 
not attempt to put in competition with him 
at the fall election, a man on whose talents 
and energy the country might rely with some 
hope of being relieved from the calamiti«s 
under which it now groans. 

It was my purpose to dwell somewhat on 
the moral evils arising from the multiplica- 
tion of oaths ; but I have been led off by 
their more immediate political effects. 

These numbers will be suspended for a 
few days. 

Anobew Jacksok. 

March Uth, 1864. 



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